Volume 4

The Preface and Acknowledgements

I started writing this history in 2007, so it has taken as long to write and publish as the War itself. In essence the book was completed in draft stage by the end of 2008 with the idea that it would form the start of Volume 4, with the end being World War Two. Since then, new things have emerged which have been added into the story. However, in talking to various volunteers at the Museum they felt that the Great War could stand alone and so Volume 4 covers just four years in Horsham’s history, and 2011 is the 90^th anniversary of the end of World War One as well as the year Horsham’s War Memorial was re-dedicated after 58 missing names were added to the roll of honour for those who made the ultimate sacrifice during that conflict.

I would like to thank Julie Mitchell who took on the onerous duty of proofreading the text; any imperfections are down to me. Julie also worked on the anthology volume We’ll Keep the Home Fires Burning, published in 2008, and I have used some of those extracts in the book. I would also like to thank Jane Bowen who kindly gave me permission to read and use extracts from the research she undertook. Though her notes are not complete they provided some very useful information which you will find fully acknowledged throughout the text.

Bill Mathews has kindly scanned in a number of images, whilst Gary Cooper, who has produced the monumental work Horsham’s Heroes, kindly allowed me to use some of the images for the work. In 2009 the Museum was given the Cecil Cramp archive by his daughter Felicity, following a wish made by Cecil back in 1990 when I rather presumptively asked him what would happen to his collection when he died. Cecil had a couple of images which have added to our knowledge of the town and camps at this time.

I would like to thank Brenda and Sarah from Horsham Districts Council’s design team for preparing the book for printing and Reprographics for printing and binding the volume. Thanks must also go to the Museum team for assistance with this work; notably, Jason, who has his own active publications programme.

Finally, when I started with Volume One back in 2006 I thanked the company of two cats, Parker and Coco. In 2010 they both died and three new cats came to replace them: Mum, Jet and Felix. Until last night they showed no interest at all in the work, but when spreading the draft pages out on the floor working out where to put the photographs, the two sons decided it looked far more interesting than the garden. No doubt they will add in their own way to the following volume, which so far is up to 1930.

Tuesday 21 May 2010 – the day after Horsham’s War Memorial was re-dedicated.

A PRELUDE

On 11 January 1914 The Times carried a letter announcing that on 18 January 1914 at Newbuildings, a Peacock Dinner would be held in honour of Wilfrid Scawen Blunt. It was to be one of the great literary luncheons that helped to define an era, partly because it attracted wide press coverage. Blunt, who had had no verse published for 12 years, was touched by the occasion organised by Ezra Pound and Yeats. As Blunt would record, “I am of course much flattered by this and still more surprised for I have been quite unaware of having any following among the young in poetry…”[1] (Though, equally, he did think them un-businesslike as they forgot to say in the letter to The Times why they were honouring him and when the letter arrived inviting him to lunch the spelling of his name was wrong – Wilfred instead of Wilfrid.)

The day arrived and at 12.30, six of the eight poets turned up in a motor car hired for the occasion at a cost of £5. Frederic Manning couldn’t come, nor could John Masefield who was “under the thumb of a wife who will not let him go anywhere”. The other poets were William Butler Yeats, T. Sturge Moore, Victor Platt, F.S. Flint, Richard Aldington and Ezra Pound. As the two poets couldn’t turn up, Belloc, Blunt’s neighbour, was invited to the afternoon event but not the dinner, as Blunt thought he would dominate the talk. Blunt had specifically requested no presents but the poets turned up with a small marble coffer “with an inscription ‘Homage to W.S. Blunt’ and an absurd futurist bas-relief of a naked Egyptian woman the work of a Franco-Pole sculptor (Gaudier Brezeska) coming into fashion”, as Blunt would describe the gift, later telling Sidney Cockrell (future Director of Fitzwilliam Museum) that “I have been obliged to turn (it) with its face to the wall”. Inside the casket/reliquary or marble pen box, as Pound referred to the box, were verses written by each of the poets in Wilfrid Scawen’s honour. Blunt was not particularly impressed, writing of the verse as “a kind of futurist verse without rhyme or metre or much reason”.

The dinner itself went well though it took time to break the ice as Blunt was very shy, though he was dressed in full Arabian fig. The peacock was culled from the Newbuildings flock and served with full plumage, sitting proud on the William Morris table in a Jacobean house; each guest had two helpings as well as roast beef. A group photograph was taken to record the dinner and this was circulated to the press. On the 20^th The Times carried a full report whilst other papers recorded the views of the attendees on the importance they gave to Blunt, giving him a prophet-like status for his poetry rather than his politics. The event would be mentioned in all the poets’ biographies as a notable occasion. It linked the idea of homo-sociability and artistic glamour[2] and in its way marked a high point for the generation before the War. Blunt was 74 years old, and in effect lionised for his poetry rather than politics by this new generation.

Details of the footnotes are available here.

1914 – 1918

Horsham 1914 – War Breaks Out

This is not a history of World War One, but of a period in which World War One was fought, for this is not an account of battles won and lost, of heroic deeds, of a “foreign field that will always remain England”, but of how Horsham supported the war effort and how it emerged through the War.[3]

It could be argued that a history of this period cannot leave out the great battles. If one felt so inclined, the retelling of the war could be viewed as a highly-gendered account[4] with war = men, home life = women; war more important than the home life, men more important than women. This in turn has led to a stereotyping with broad brush assumptions being made, without the detailed research needed to prove it or otherwise. For example, there is a marked improvement in the status of women after the war, which manifested itself with the granting of the vote in 1918. It could be argued that the vote would have been achieved in 1914/5 but war intervened; be that as it may, in 1918 women got the vote. This has created the assumption that women rushing out to do war work led to improved status. Yet in 1918 there were 7,311,000 females in employment compared to 5,966,000 in 1914; an increase of 22.5%, and at the end of the war 4/5 of the women employed were still doing what was considered women’s work,[5] though the number of women in munitions work rose from 82,859 in July 1914 to 947,000 at the end. In the first year of the war women were not used to their full potential; by June 1915, 78,946 women were entered on the Board of Trade’s Special War Register, but only 1,816 had been given actual jobs. The War itself initially led to decline in female employment as they were laid off from such work as confectionery, and it was April 1915 before employment levels were back to pre- War level. As for women rushing out to fill labour shortages, in the immediate period men leaving for the front gave employment opportunities to other men.[6] Clearly the war and its effects were complex and no broad-brush approach is sensible. So war work itself cannot be seen as the prime mover for granting the vote. So what was? I would argue on the basis of the accounts for Horsham that during the War it wasn’t just the actual employment that was important but the visible support by those at home for those at war – all those accounts of fundraising, making clothing, sending out food parcels – and just as important psychologically, the sacrifice of their sons – Britannia’s (female) sacrifice – thus giving value to women which would manifest itself in post-War Britain.

So, using contemporary accounts drawn from West Sussex County Times, Horsham Urban District Council Minutes and the Parish Magazine, the story of Horsham during 1914 to 1919 is told below.

On 28 June 1914 the Austrian Archduke Ferdinand was assassinated by a Serbian and in Horsham life continued as normal. In the month following, 29 June to 26 July, a total of £71.3s 5d was given in offertories at the four Horsham churches (St Mary, St Mark, Holy Trinity and St John). The August edition of Parish Magazine continued to publish a list of those recommended for work, or those with rooms to let, a public referencing system which included, amongst all the usual laundry, plain needlework, charring and washing, small family washing and cooking, the unusual job of cleaning tennis balls (Mr. Dunstall, 37 North Street, who was recommended by Mrs. Vernon who obviously played tennis). The magazine goes on to note that the Shelley Chapel would be re-dedicated after its renovation on 6 August 1914. Obviously there was no intention of linking the dedication to the poet’s birth (4 August), the chapel’s name being linked to the Shelley family, not the celebrated son.

On 9 July the annual outing of the Sunday Schools took place; if you were to think that some 50 or 60 children went on the outing you would be greatly mistaken: 650 children travelled by train to Bognor. The account in the Parish Magazine gives a rich and full flavour of the summer before the war and is included here for that reason.

“July 9^th at last dawned; there were the usual hopes and fears as to whether the day would be fine or otherwise, and the clerk of the weather was gracious enough to send along a typically delightful day for such an important event. The process of embarking was carried out in an orderly manner and with a certain amount of excitement which was not surprising, and then two long train-loads were seen steaming out of the Station at their scheduled time. Bognor was duly reached, and young and old were determined to get as much enjoyment as possible. A rush was made for the Beach, and every preparation was made as the fancy pleased to spend the few hours on the large stretch of sands, which were gradually being covered by the in-coming tide…. The time for tea came round, and a large and orderly crowd of youngsters (about 650) did ample justice to the good and substantial tea provided for them in the Queen’s Hall. After tea a short hour or two in the Esplanade was permitted before the return home. The usual attractions were there to entice, and the well-known “adage” of the fool and his money was well illustrated. Delicate concoctions with mysterious names were consumed ad lib., donkey rides were indulged in, and young and old, big and little, male and female were adorned with the most marvellous “fevvers” imaginable; indeed to sport a “fevver” was the thing. The time came at last for the return journey, and the exciting scene at the Station was repeated, and a happy and contented crowd, with just a touch of weariness here and there, was soon on its way home. The children thank all kind friends who so liberally gave their time and money to make the treat such a success.”[7]

This was not the only excursion from Horsham that month. On 20 July “About one tenth of the people of Roffey went to Littlehampton, …Leaving Horsham by a special train at 8.15 we reached the seaside just after nine, and there most of us remained until it was time to see what Mr. Tidy had provided for us at the Church Street Schools. So at 4 o’clock we gathered at the Schools and found that the provision made for the “inner man” of the party left nothing to be desired. After tea we adjourned to the front until 7…catching the 7.50, reaching Horsham about 9. A very fine day, spent most happily, with no casualties. May future years provide as good a day for our outing.”[8]

Other outings reported in the Parish Magazine included the Choir outing from Slinfold where they visited White City on 22 July, seeing at the Shepherd’s Bush stadium “realistic scenes from life in the Wild West, with marvellous exhibitions of horsemanship and shooting. Trips on the Mountain Railway, Scenic Railway, and other more or less exciting and exhilarating rides on elevated tracks of the switchback order proved so fascinating that it was difficult to tear ourselves away…” A Southwater Choir outing to Eastbourne by an excursion steamer from Brighton, whilst the Mother’s Union from the same village went to London Zoo to see the “new ‘terraces’” where “chamois leapt from rock to rock“, and nearly missed the train to see “a young kangaroo that enticingly hopped out of its mothers pouch”.

Excursions, entertainments and events transported to by train opened up the horizon of people from Horsham, expanding the world around them and introducing new ideas, sights, colours and sounds during the month of July 1914. Clearly, such group outings helped to bond communities together; some, like the Sunday School outing, saw widespread networks developing; others more closely-knit, but what is obvious from the outset is that community ties were strong, and manifestly so. But if you are lulled into a sense of feeling that all was well in Horsham with summer visits and excursions, the town still had a large number of poor, as the notice for the Horsham Blanket Club made clear. “in 1913 204 poor people received new blankets by paying on their cards small sums weekly or monthly. A bonus of 2s is given on each card. The Club also possess over 140 blankets, which are lent out for the winter to deserving families.”[9]

Horsham from the “Blue Book” 1914-15

In July 1914, a month before World War One broke out, the Horsham and Crawley Directory was published; known as The Blue Book, it was published by Garnett, Mepham & Fisher Limited of Brighton at a cost of one shilling. In many respects it gives the best picture of Horsham at the outbreak of World War One.

The cloth-bound book starts with various adverts: E.T. Lane at 44 West Street was a general furnisher, cabinet maker and upholsterer who would fit up houses, whilst Alfred Agate & Sons, nearby in 37 &38 West Street, were corn, seed and coal merchants, as were Ogilvie & Co in Barttelot Road who also sold hay and straw, whilst Amos Chart in Park Street Post Office sold these items as well as manure and gravel. The West Sussex County Times, Horsham Advertiser and Sussex Standard had its offices and printing works at 15, Market Square and 7, South Street, where it issued two weekly editions, on Friday and Saturday. It is from this paper that the stories of Horsham life that follow are generally taken.

George Apedaile also had a full-page advert with a photograph of his well-stocked shop front; underneath he proclaimed he was “Sole Agent for Dr Jaeger’s Sanitary Woollen Garments[10] and the Aertex Cellular Shirts and Underwear. Rice Bros also had a full-page advert illustrated with a car, saying “Well appointed Cars for Hire from 6d per mile”, and then on another page they promoted their motor cycles. Other display adverts include J.H. Sayer’s of London House, 55 West Street that has a photograph showing six rails of birds hanging up to the top of the second story of the building, the top rail with 28 pheasants alone. Another advert is for Horace W. Clifford, dealer in Works of Art; Riley Scott, Nurseries, Horsham, only three minutes from the station, that also issued free catalogues. Voice’s “Patent Window Blind & Cornice Pole Works of 19 North Street also had a full-page advert. Other adverts included one for Kings Head, Black Horse Hotel, Station Hotel, Prewett’s Mills and Works, H. & E. Lintott Engineering Works who provided equipment for the Country House to have its own water supply as well as electrical light and telephones.

The Directory starts with the Court, before having a section on Horsham General Information which is quite interesting in painting a picture of the town. The population was estimated at 11,500. (In a 1916 report by the medical officer Dr C. Rawdon Wood, the civilian population was given at 10,237[11]). The parliamentary constituency had 11,754 voters out of a population of 53,650. Horsham Urban District Council had 15 Councillors, a Clerk, Treasurer, Health officer, Surveyor and Water Engineer, Inspector of Nuisances, Electrical Engineer, Collector of Rates and Market tolls and a Farm Bailiff for Broadbridge Farm. The Rural Parish Council had Councillors for Southwater (6), Roffey (4), Broadbridge Heath (4). There was also Horsham Rural District Council, which employed a different surveyor, a superintendent of Sewage Farms and Inspector of Nuisances.

Under Public Officials the most surprising is that of W. Law as Town Crier, as the post had almost gone into abeyance until resurrected by Law and Albery (see previously).

The note about the Fire Brigade gives useful information: “In case of fire, information to be given to the resident Attendant …by ringing electric bell after breaking glass in front, at the Fire Engine Station, or at one of the Fire Alarm pillars placed at the following points in the district; Crawley road, North parade, Bishopric, Upper New street, East street and Brighton road.”

Horsham had 12 Council schools whilst St Mary’s Girls was the only Church of England school listed.

There were three banks: London County and Westminster, Barclay and Co (Ltd) and Capital and Counties Bank, one building society, Horsham Permanent Benefit, established in 1856 and two Masonic Lodges. The list of the 35 JPs is a veritable who’s who of civic dignitaries, from Sir Merrick Burrell of Knepp Castle to Henry Padwick of the Manor House.

The list of Clubs, associations and institutions reveals how self-contained Horsham was; it had a very solid range with a great deal of support and cross-group membership; it was a close-knit community. There was the Horsham Club, The Carfax Club (non-political) (late the Seventh Sussex Club) which had club premises consisting of billiards, cards and reading rooms, all facing the Carfax, a lavatory and bathroom. “At the rear is a large lawn which it is proposed to utilise for bowls. The whole of the premises are fitted up with electric lights”. Membership for those living in Horsham Urban Area was 12s 6d, whereas membership for the Working Men’s Club (C.E.T.S – Church of England Temperance Society) only cost 5s membership or 2d per week. Young women could join St Mary’s Recreation Club or there was the Horsham and County Women’s at 60 West Street. The Horsham Institute at 2 Park Street would close during the War. There was no Labour party in Horsham at this time, only Conservative and Liberal, with a Women’s Liberal Association which held meetings when called. There were also 10 Friendly and Benefit Societies, 2 Temperance societies, 10 “Various” including Horsham Winter Fund, Church Lads Brigade, Boy’s Life Brigade Horsham Recreation Band, Horsham Town Prize Band and a branch of the R.S.P.C.A and a “Band of Mercy (in connection with the RSPCA[12].)

For recreation there was the Horsham Cricket, Football, Golf (whose Clubhouse and ground was at Broadbridge Heath), Lawn Tennis, Unity Cycling, Bowling, whose ground was in the Bishopric, Horsham and District Angling, Horsham Miniature Rifle Club whose range was at Queen Street opposite the Queen’s Head Hotel, the Carnival Society and the Horticultural Society. There were also two “Places of Entertainment”: the cinemas.

In light of the War to come it is interesting to note that there were three Territorial groups in Horsham: 4^th Batt. Royal Sussex Regiment, E Company which had 1127 rank and file members, and “A” Squadron Sussex Yeomanry Horsham Troop who met at 11 Park Street.

There then followed two and half pages on postal information listing times for last posting to different towns, dependent on the route taken, a list of collection times from the 8 sub-post offices (Little Haven, Park street, Queen street, Roffey, St Leonard’s road, Station road, Victory road and West Street)[13]. It also lists and gives times of collections from the 17 pillar and wall boxes.

At the back of the book is a trades and professional directory Here are listed the full range of trades that make a market town function at the beginning of the 20^th century, starting with two accountants, there are the Agricultural Implement dealers (3), on through Art, Needlework and Berlin Wool Depots (1), Bee hive makers (1), Bill Posters (1) Chimney Sweepers (4), five dentists, Feather Dressers (1), Horse Slaughterers and dealers (1), Hotel Valuers (1), Jam manufacturers (1) Leather and grindery stores (1) Naturalists[14] (3), Rick Cloth and Rope maker (1), Scale Makers (1) Shipping agents (1), Sewing Machine Depots (3), Toy and Fancy dealers[15] (3), Traction Engine Proprietors (1), Whitesmiths (2)

This excludes all the traders who set up stall in Horsham market.

On 1 July Horsham Park gardens saw a sale of work in aid of the Medical Mission Auxiliary, part of the Church Missionary Society. The weather was “almost tropical” so tea was served in the “shady part of the garden”, whilst people drifted around stalls of “needlework, fancy goods, garden produce, and missionary publications”, raising about £40 by the sale. What, though, is interesting is the strength of evangelical zeal present. This sense of purpose would be transmuted during the war to a belief that the in the war, Britain was fighting on God’s side, but before Germany and her allies became the enemy, it was the Mohammedans. As Dr Ernest F. Neve illustrated in two talks at the event, at the first “he dealt with the great principles underlying Medical Mission work, and emphasizing the fact that as Christians we are bound to take our stand upon the power of the Gospel even among Mohammedans, relying upon the Divine promises that, however great the obstacles, they will disappear if only faced in true faith. In the course of his second talk, after tea, Dr Neve spoke of the immense sacrifices that had to be made by converts from Mohammedanism, and as an evidence of the success of the Gospel among the followers of the False Prophet, he stated that in the Diocese of Lahore there were now working no fewer than 10 ordained clergy who were converts.” And Horsham was no different from thousands of other villages, towns and hamlets across Britain. The War might now be against a European foe, but British people had been weaned on strong evangelical, missionary approach to a struggle. And to many it was a Christian war: as the Bishop of London would declare it, “a great crusade”, “A HOLY WAR” whilst killing Germans was necessary to “save the world”, and Canon Holmes could write with clear conscience:

“Fight for the colours of Christ the King

Fight as He fought for you;

Fight for the Right with all your might

Fight for the Red, White, and Blue .”[16]

This sense of dedication and purpose also manifested itself with the Church Lads’ Brigade, with the Horsham Company attending a parade each Sunday at different churches from Sun Oak and Southwater. The last Parade of the month was the Friendly Societies Parade in connection with the Hospital Sunday. The brigade was founded in 1893 and had a hall which was, in 1914, in need of refurbishment; they also played cricket on the football pitch. However, the reason for its inclusion in this account of Horsham was the language used describing the Local Camp, held at Highland Farm on land provided by Mrs Wyatt where they pitched their tents. “Capt Corbett, Lieut. Hayes, and 22 lads had, as one lad said, “a ripping time”. This was the Captain’s first experience with the Horsham Company in camp, and he was agreeably surprised; the splendid behaviour of the lads made his duties and responsibilities light, and a most enjoyable and profitable week very quickly passed away. ….Two silver long-service medals (5 years) have been presented this month. One each to Sergt.-Drummer V. Richardson and Sergt. C. Brown. The previous year the Camp was photographed and postcards issued by Bon Marche were sold in the Queen Street shop. With such bonding taking place and the homo-sociability identified above forming through clubs and societies, of manliness exhibiting itself in camps and in language, it isn’t surprising that, when the call came to go to war, to fight for ideals, the call was so readily taken up.

On 4 August Britain declared war on Germany in defence of Belgian neutrality. Churchill had put the navy on a war footing on 1 August, ready for what he would call “this glorious delicious war”[17]. Lord Kitchener would be War Secretary and as such he used his status and prestige to call for volunteers; 100,000 19-35 year olds were wanted. In the first month 300,000 came forward, with 33,000 alone on September 3. The sheer number meant that they had to introduce tougher restrictions, raising the height by 3 inches on September 11, lowering it by the end of October and restoring it to its original level on November 14[18].

The County Times of 8 August could report: “In one short week the threatening war clouds have settled down over Europe and the long-ridiculed German menace became a reality. …Horsham has come seriously into touch with the startling changes of the week. The mobilisation orders of Monday and Tuesday caused much local excitement. The Territorial’s were expected back from camp at Borden on Monday but in the general confusion …eventually reached Horsham on Wednesday, leaving later in the day for Newhaven to undertake coast duty. The Yeomanry amid general requisitions of horses, gave up all hope at midday of riding to Brighton and left by train at about 1.20. The general dislocation of trade has been faced willingly and employers of labour speak with pride of the number of men that left for the colours. …Special constables are sworn in daily at Horsham Town Hall. In place of four postal deliveries daily there are now three”, commenting that the Post Office was now 20 short of men. “In the early hours of Thursday morning ….Christ’s Hospital which has accommodation for about 1,000 scholars was taken over by the military authorities for the detention of German prisoners of war” Within a week the County Times would report that “Whilst some territorials have been quartered in Newhaven Workhouse, the Christ’s Hospital palatial pile of buildings with the exception of some of the masters’ houses is set apart for German prisoner of war”, obviously feeling that the reverse should be happening. There were some 500 Germans, the majority being reservists who failed to get back to their country.

The West Sussex County Times a.k.a The County Times

Before we get in too far with the history, it is worthwhile reflecting on a key resource for historians of this period: the local newspaper. Obviously one would expect it to be fully behind the war and it was and continued to be throughout the fighting, and as Jane Bowen[19] noted, at the start of the War. “The West Sussex County Times adopted a positive and encouraging editorial attitude towards recruitment and all forms of war service.” As Jane goes on to note, “A roll of honour of Horsham men serving was started on 24^th October 1914, ceasing, however with compulsion in 1916.” Note it was a roll of honour, those who signed up; not of the dead, only later as the death toll rose would the roll of honour be transformed in many communities, but not Horsham, into a roll of the dead. Interestingly, Jane noticed that “Although casualty lists were published from June 1915 onwards, they only received prominence in the summer of 1916 when a large number of Horsham Men were killed on the Somme…” This lack of reporting would make it difficult for those at the end of the war to draw up a list of the dead, a problem in 1919 and some 80 years later when Gary Cooper was researching his book Horsham Heroes[20]. The County Times didn’t flinch from what it saw as its patriotic duty, a duty that was more important than impartial recording of events. In 1915, for example, Jane noticed “it carried strong propaganda messages for example in May reporting on the forthcoming Bryce Report, the paper commented that “no evidence has been accepted which is incapable of absolute and inconclusive proof… The report will open the eyes of the world to the true inwardness of the Hun character. The Huns behaved like fiends when they invaded Belgium. (1915) In 1917 the Editor acknowledged his co-operation with the Government, in conforming to the guidelines proposed by the Sussex Newspaper Owners’ Association in allowing maximum coverage to all forms of government publicity (28.4.1917). Newspapermen were in reserved occupations, the editor felt that local papers were as important a medium of propaganda as the national press.”

In Horsham, posters printed by Price & Co. were put up around the town. “Our Country Needs Our Aid. Terms of Enlistment and Service for the New Army Now Forming.” The poster goes on to set out various restrictions and rewards, with height being a minimum of 5ft 3in and a chest of 34 inches. As for ages, men not previously served, 19-35, for ex-soldiers up to 45. It then goes on to give wages:

“Infantry of the Line – beginning at 1s per day

Cavalry 1s 2d, and artillery 1s 2½d per day

Royal Engineers – 1s. 2d and Corps Pay to qualified workmen”.

In addition there was a separation allowance of a minimum 1s 1d a day to wives and 2d per child.

What, though, is interesting, and contradictory, is that if it was the assumption that war would be over by Christmas, why so many were called or invited to join, when it would take 12 weeks to train them for war. Also, the volunteers were signing up for three years, though they would be demobbed sooner if the “war is over in less than three years”. Obviously, although the media were promoting a quick hurrah, the military planners were not, expecting war to last up to three years.

The impact of these notices and general promotion of enlistment can be seen in the County Times for 9 September, which carried the following report: “Stirring scenes have been witnessed day after day this week at the headquarters of the 4^th battalion of the Royal Sussex Regiment in Park Street. On Monday the building was totally inadequate to meet anything like the demands and the process of recruiting required the utilisation of other building temporarily. All day long there was a constant stream of arrivals, motor cars bringing in the intending recruits from the outlying parishes. Many were anxious to join the Territorial’s, but the great majority wished to join either the 7^th of the Special battalion of the Royal Sussex Regiment, or one of the regular battalions. Roughly speaking there were about 300 recruits accepted during Monday, but this was by no means all the possible ones, even apart from the rejections, for the crush was so great that the staff ran out of application forms…”

The enlistment to the Territorials wasn’t the only force that needed men. On 22 August the County Times carried a long article about Local Volunteer Civil Guard, where Percy S. Godman, Chairman of the Standing Joint Committee, set out details. The Civil Guard had three purposes: to assist police with keeping the peace, to watch key installations such waterworks and, thirdly, to undergo some basic military training. Members were required to sign an agreement to serve as long as necessary and would receive 1s for each day or night actually employed on duty in lieu of food. They would only be employed locally and control would be local. Applications to join were to be by post to Chief Constable, West Sussex Police, Horsham, who forwarded them to the local areas. However, the state of confusion was such that the War Office Bureau said that such organisation was “not official and undesirable”. But following a telephone call on Saturday it was sorted out and the Military authorities sanctioned them but “not any other ‘armed’ men”. So it was that an inaugural meeting for the Horsham detachment of the Civil Guard for West Sussex was held on the recreation ground at the Police headquarters at Horsham. 96% of the men present agreed to enroll, though the use of firearms wasn’t allowed at that time.

The town was also awash with posters asking those ladies and gentlemen to attend a meeting in Horsham Town Hall on Monday 17 August at 3.30pm to hear about the “Patriotic Fund. The relief of Sufferers through the War.”[21] It was going to be held on the 12^th, but a meeting on the same subject was held at Chichester that day, so Horsham’s was postponed. It could be argued that holding a meeting at 3.30 on the afternoon precluded workers or those self-employed from attending. However, it is probable that it wasn’t intended that such people should or would attend: what was wanted were those of independent means who would head up the fund.

This meeting attracted extensive coverage in the press, revealing a number of deep-seated concerns. The Chairman, Mr. Bostock’s, first concern was that “We trusted that Almighty God would guide our armies and give us victory. But there were always two sides, and in the event of our armies not being victorious one could not but say it would be an exceedingly solemn consideration”, a less than expected opening remark but one that gave the meeting a touch of realism: it wasn’t going to be a euphoric, jingoistic meeting but a rational and thoughtful discussion. The meeting then raised other concerns, including:

The use of local funds for local people or whether the funds should be sent to London.
Who should receive the money raised?
What should happen to excess funds?
What was the purpose of the fundraising – to support whom, exactly?
Was local administration up to the work, or should it be administered through local Council organisations?
The meeting also heard that in order to encourage men to come forward they should be reassured that their dependents would be looked after and that “a resolution had been passed by The Local Medical Committee unanimously recommending that the practitioners in West Sussex should put themselves at the service of the state to render medical aid free of charge to dependents of men who had gone to war.
That after the war the men should be reinstated in their old jobs.
That the unemployed would be looked after: after the war, “Funds would be found out of the Prince of Wales Fund, for those who couldn’t get their jobs back.”

The meeting also cleared up some confusion; a very relevant point, the proliferation of fundraising efforts leading to overlap and waste. The Rev. Harvey, whose wife would speak at the Girls Friendly Society a month later, on the duty of women in the war, said that “He was asked that morning what was meant by the Patriotic Fund and in his ignorance he said it was the Prince of Wales Fund. But the Patriotic Fund was really a fund which had been going for some time, ever since the Boer War for the purpose of relieving families of soldiers and sailors. It was a distinct fund, had a fund of its own, and this meeting was held under the auspices of the Patriotic Fund….” It was further agreed that the Patriotic Fund would work on Local Government lines. The Central Committee of the County Council had been set up, on which would sit the Chairman and Secretary of the Soldiers and Sailors Family association, as well as the Chairmen of the various committees of the County Council along with the Chairman and Vice Chairman. The Rev. Harvey proposed that a local Committee be formed consisting of a representative, man or woman, of each parish in the rural district Sanitary authority of Horsham and any place one per 2,000 people making a committee of 21. The vicar then offered the £90 in the Horsham Winter Fund. Horsham now had in place one of the main charities for funding relief.

So what was the Prince of Wales Fund? The County Times of 22 August carried the following report: “Horsham Urban District Council meeting on Wednesday 19^th (two days after that of the Patriotic Fund) The Prince of Wales’ Fund… A letter had been sent to the Council by the Duke of Norfolk regarding that day’s meeting at the Dome, Brighton, to encourage throughout the county the raising of subscriptions to HRH The Prince of Wales fund. The Chairman said that he and the Clerk (Mr. S. Mitchell) had attended the meeting and he (Mr. Rowland) was pleased to find that Horsham was well represented”; the paper then gave the key difference between this new fund and others: “The fund was not confined to dependents of soldiers and sailors but would also help the dependents of those men thrown out of employment through the War.” The Council agreed to form itself as the Committee for the Urban District, which could change in light of the County Committee. They also received correspondence from Mr. C. Arthur Pearson stating that the Prudential Insurance Co. would use its agents to collect contributions, as had the Prudential Assurance Company.

One of the interesting points about the War was the degree to which the people of Horsham and the outlying villages managed to raise funds. It is only when you look at what was happening to the money markets do you get a sense of how remarkable the effort was. The Edwardian era saw London at the centre of the financial global market. Keynes would later recall in his Economic Consequences of the Peace, that it required very little effort of a Londoner (or a Horshamite) of moderate means to ‘adventure his wealth in the natural resources and new enterprises of any quarter of the world, and share, without exertion or even trouble, in their prospective fruits and advantages’. When the assassination occurred, the financial markets seemed to ignore the event. It was around a month later, 22 July that the press reported the possibility of problems and then the money markets panicked. Investors sold bonds for cash, the foreign exchanges went haywire; this rapidly followed by what we today would call a credit crunch, as people sold stock to raise actual cash; there was a banking crisis, with people queuing for gold coins rather than banknotes at the Bank of England. For up to five months most of the world’s stock markets closed (London and New York on 31 July, with London not re-opening till 4 January 1915). In Britain the Treasury issued emergency £1 and 10s notes in order to increase the amount of money in the market. The Bank Holiday Monday was extended till Thursday 6 August and payment due on bills of exchange was postponed by Royal Proclamation for a month. Apart from wages, taxes, pensions and the like there was a moratorium on payments (and therefore debts) until 4 November. This would be a foretaste of what was to happen as a new type of financial world was being created, with “Any investor unwise or patriotic enough to hang on to gilt-edged securities (consols or the new UK War Loans) would have suffered inflation adjusted losses of – 46 per cent by 1920. Even the real returns on British equities were negative (-27 per cent)” [22] So to then hand over what spare money you did have for the War showed real patriotic zeal. But Horsham people did, and continued to do so throughout the War and, as we shall see, beyond.

Another poster, a Notice to Farmers, is interesting for two reasons; one what it says explicitly and the other, implicitly. The Notice was put up around the town telling farmers that “The Military Authorities are purchasing large quantities of farm and market garden produce for the use of H.M. Troops throughout the country. For the purpose of facilitating supply and of preventing, as far as possible, a scarcity of produce arising in one district while there is a surplus in another, farmers are urged to assist the War Office by stating the quantity of produce they have to sell at fair market price….”[23] On initial reading, the explicit notice is to tell farmers to sell directly to the Military authorities, so the authorities won’t have to go to the actual market place to buy goods. However, implicit in the poster are three other messages:

The central Government has taken over demand side, thus producing a planned and rational approach to food production.
That there will be no shortages; or rather, distribution of food will be equitable for those who are at home. The Government couldn’t tell people that they are planning food supplies because as a Liberal government it is against the tenets of Free Trade, but they equally had to reassure the populace that the agricultural economy was being planned so that areas of deprivation didn’t occur. This problem would occur later on in the War as Britain suffered food shortages it last experienced before the American grain basket opened up in the late Victorian era; but that is three years hence.
This is telling farmers by a poster. There were a number of agricultural workers, a number of tenanted farmers but there were not hundreds of unknowable farmers: farms, like churches, tend to be fixed parts of the landscape. If the Government of the day wanted to tell the farmer directly they could have posted out the notice with a form for the farmer to return, not expect the farmer to go to the Post Office and or contact the Board of Agriculture directly.

That is why I suspect the notice was made public, to allay possible fears of food shortage by military demands.

However, the scheme the Government introduced didn’t work, as a notice in The County Times for September 10 pointed out: “Complaints having reached the Board of Agriculture that the arrangements under which notices were circulated throughout England and Wales to make returns…..is not working quite satisfactorily, the Board are taking steps, in consultation with the War Office to constitute in each county or group of counties, a farm Produce County Committee….These committees will invite farmers to submit samples and to quote prices for the various class of farm produce which they wish to sell for the use of his Majesty’s forces…”

Before we move on to the rest of the story there is one aspect of the War that needs to be addressed – why posters? Why were so many public announcements given by posters? The obvious reason is that there was no public broadcasting medium, no radio at this time. Advertisements could be given in the press, but people had to buy the paper, and there is no guarantee they would. So the posters put up around the town and throughout the villages ensured widespread readership. There is also one other important factor: it brought the War to the doorstep, it “invaded” every public space, the public space became part of the war effort. If you went to Horsham town centre you would be assailed by the War as you could not but help read the notices and, in this way, the War made the nation one community. As James Aulich writes, “The poster is also the most modern of media because it is integral to the urban environment. Placed adjacent to entertainment venues, by railway lines and along main urban routes… to catch the four-second gaze of the traveller.[24] Charles Higham, one of the first champions of the poster, argued that “Posters improved lives by informing the public of new products, modes of behaviour and even appearance. Advances in transport, hygiene, diet and labour-saving devices were understood to broaden the moral and aesthetic horizons of the nation.”[25] Today, with the fragmentation of the media, such dominance might not be possible, but in 1914-18 it was absolute: you either read the papers and/or read the posters whilst, if you visited the cinema, you might see moving images of the War.

Most of the posters held in the Museum archive are locally-produced ones; the nationally-circulated posters were not collected, though it didn’t mean they were not put up around Horsham – absence of evidence isn’t evidence of absence, to quote a well-known archeological maxim. During World War One “The British government in the guise of the Parliamentary Recruiting Committee (PRC) had little or no experience of publicity, and under the stewardship of Hedley Le Bas of the Caxton Agency, responsibility was delegated to agencies and printing houses to devise the campaigns. By the time conscription had ended voluntary enlistment in 1916, the PRC had produced 12.5 million copies of 164 designs, although half of these were typographical. Five of the thirty-six printing companies involved carried out half the work, and of these David Allen and Sons printed the largest share of 1.5 million copies of forty different poster designs…. The agencies concentrated their sights on the aspirations of ordinary people and their sense of solidarity and community. The grand narratives of British Imperial history were largely ignored in favour of images of recruits (as the nation’s physical representative), and savers, both of whom profited from, and became financial stakeholders in, the British war effort.”[26]

That isn’t to say the local press didn’t cover the War or act as an organ for local people to express their feelings through the letters page. If anything, the local paper became the voice of the people, as it allowed a conduit for personal experiences and views to be expressed, though within the censorship of the editor. So that, six days after war broke out, the Editor of The Smallholder would write a letter[27] appealing to people to shoot rabbits. Obviously, for years the smallholder had been plagued by the rising rabbit population, but now they could promote their slaughter as a civic and almost moral duty, encouraging everyone to shoot them. The fact that rabbit was promoted as a foodstuff suggests that rabbit had fallen out of the normal diet, whereas 100 years earlier Horsham was noted for its rabbits which it sent to London. This appeal for the use of “wild” food was complimented a week later when E. T. Perry asks through the letter pages for farmers not to trim the hedges “before the blackberry harvest has been gathered in.”

The immediate economic impact of the War on the retail trade was reflected in a letter by Geo. W. Taylor Ltd who wrote to the County Times on 18 August, “May we be allowed to suggest through your column that as there is not the normal amount of business doing, all shops close at 7pm (or even at 6pm) and open a little later in the morning except perhaps on Fridays and Saturdays.” But rather than reflect this as economic reason a spin was put on it to turn it into one of duty by saying early closing would allow the “opportunity of serving their country at this anxious time by joining the Civil Guard or any other useful organisation.” But just in case people thought this a weak argument he continued to say that “Should the Government see fit to order all shops to close at 6pm and open at 10am it would free very many ….but it ought not to be necessary for such an order to be issued. We should do it of our own free will.” He ended the letter by saying that they would close at 7pm, but if others agreed he would close at 6. So an economic argument was dressed up as a moral and sacrificial argument.

The letter obviously didn’t have the desired effect for later “A Tradesman” wrote to the editor, “Dear Sir- I am given to understand that were it not for two firms, one a draper and outfitter, and the other a boot dealer, practically the whole of the shops in the town would now close at 7pm. The grocers and provision dealers already do so”, before going on to argue that these two shops “should keep the whole of the shops open”, which suggests that trade was so competitive that any advantage perceived or otherwise was grasped. So because two of their fellow traders decided to stay open later all the other traders felt they had to in order to compete. Interestingly, the Tradesman doesn’t play the war effort card in arguing why they should close early, but that it “deprive(s) dozens of hard working assistants of the boon that the extra hour for recreation and rest would afford them”. He then argues that the Chamber of Trade should do something about it, “or what does it exist for?”

One of the reasons why the clothier would be worried is that Horsham now had its first national chain store in its midst and it wasn’t food, it was clothing. In September 1914 a handbill poster headlined in large letters WAR NEWS to catch the attention before the reader would see the all-important words “Not” and “but” followed by GOOD NEWS FOSTER BROTHERS ltd. Are At Horsham. We are known as the CHEAPEST CLOTHIERS IN THE WORLD and we stand offering you Men’s Youths & Boys’ Clothing At Manufacturers’ Prices.” The advert then gives examples of various styles and costings in each Departments. The Men’s department offered suits in newest tweeds at 15/6 to 35/- whilst smart cut trousers were 2/11 to 10/6. As well as off the peg they also offered tailoring with the suits “Made in our own factory”, and here tailored suits were 24/6 to 70/- and gent trousers 7/11 to 14/6. And so on. What, though, strikes the eye today isn’t the cost (partly because at the time of writing this Britain had seen major deflation in clothing costs brought about by importation of Eastern European/South East Asian manufactured goods), but what Fosters were supplying. In the Youths’ department “Indigo Blue Suits” at 13/6 to 30/- today we would refer to that as denim and blue jeans. In the Boys’ department there were “Whitby Suits 3 Garments, Norfolk Suits Fancy Suits in Latest styles” and “Velvet Suits our Special make at 8/11 to 14/6.”; Little Lord Fauntleroy could be clothed at the cheapest shop in town. After the Hosiery Department, the bottom of the pile is the Mechanics’ Dept. where Bluette Trousers and jackets could be had at the special price of 2/6 and Cord and Mole trousers for strength were available from 5/6 to 9/11. All of this could be purchased at 9 West Street, a shop in the heart of Horsham’s retail sector.

What we don’t know is how affordable was this to the people of Horsham as we don’t have detailed figures for wages. However, in 1910 an academic uncovered six layers of society which included income, education occupation and perceived intelligence, the summary of which is given in the table below.[28]

Status	income	education	work	comment
Rich/Upper	£2000+			apex
Middle upper	£600-£2,000	Public school university	Snr. Civil servants professional men
Middle middle	£300-£600	Grammar school	Business and professional men	Interest in public affairs
Middle lower	£150-£250 (£3 to £5 per week)	Elementary school	Shopkeepers, clerks, printers, commercial travellers	“superficial opinions on all subjects” taken from popular press
Middle/working	£100 – £150 (£2 – £3 per week)	Elementary	Skilled artisans, clerks, foremen	Lived in five roomed houses with “homely but comfortable furniture” “simple” minds
Working class	18/- to 25/- a week	Elementary	Unskilled, office boys, shop assistants, casual workers	“low” intelligence.

What we don’t know are the living costs of Horsham, the rents, cost of food etc. but as Foster Brothers was a national organisation with probably national cost structure it can be seen that they were mainly aiming at the working to middle, middle classes with their blue velvet suits and tailored goods. Horsham was the ideal base for the chain with its growing middle class and aspiring working class. It isn’t surprising that the local traders were feeling the pinch with a downturn in retail trade, though the economy was growing as government borrowed to finance the war, and being undercut by factory produced goods.

Although there was a downturn in retail trade, it wasn’t all trade that was affected, but that trade which was reliant on long-term purchases: young men going off to war didn’t need to buy work overalls, or suits for everyday wear; the army saw to that with the uniform. However, the soldier who had ready cash and had no need to save could spend it on quick gratification: the pub, the cinema and prostitution, especially if they were only visiting. If we recall Horsham in the French and Napoleonic Wars some 100 years earlier, the town boomed on, providing services for the soldiers stationed in the barracks with an estimated £1,000 a week coming into the town’s economy. What was Horsham in 1914 – 18 like? Its young men may have enlisted but they were replaced not in their tens but in their hundreds by enlisted men on the way to the Front. The numbers are surprising as the Parish Newsletter of October 1914 stated: “The town is filling with recruits, who will (it is hoped) increase to the number of 1,000”[29]. In fact the numbers did fluctuate, but throughout the War Horsham saw a steady stream of soldiers going through the town, billeted amongst the people.

It was through the billeting of troops in Horsham that the townfolk were provided with increased income. The County Times printed the Government notice which set out the rates of pay for board and lodging; in today’s management jargon, a “service level agreement”. It is given in full here because it reveals that Horsham, with 1,000 men (or more) billeted in the town benefited from the war. It must be remembered when reading the figures that most of the produce would have been bought locally, at butchers, bakers, grocers etc. at a profit to the retailer; there was no mention of goods being supplied at a discount rate or through government depots. Also, the agreement doesn’t mention the quality of foodstuffs though moral pressure on the landlord would cause them to provide the best for “these young and enthusiastic warriors among us” as the Parish Magazine would report[30]

Type of accommodation	Cost
Lodging and attendance for soldier where meals furnished	9d a night
Breakfast ….six ounces of bread, one pint of tea with milk and sugar, four ounces of bacon	7½d each
Dinner, hot one pound of meat, previous to being dressed. Eight ounces of bread, eight ounces of potatoes, or other Vegetables, one pint of beer or mineral water of equal value	1s 7½d each
Supper, six ounces of bread, one pint of tea with milk and Sugar, two ounces of cheese	4½d each
Where no means furnished, lodging and attendance, and candles, Vinegar, salt and use of fire and the necessary utensils for Dressing and eating his meat	9d a day
Stable room and 10lb of oats, 12lb of hay and 8lb of straw Per day for each horse	2s 7½d a day
Stable room without forage	9d a day
Lodging and attendance for officer	3s a night
An officer must pay for his food
The special rates fixed for troops accommodation in buildings (other than dwelling houses) where bed and attendance are not provided and for horses where proper stabling is not provided are for each officer or soldier and for each horse	3d a night.

Clearly it paid (and suited the army thus) to provide full bed and board for a soldier, though even if you had a barn you could still benefit.

Unfortunately what we don’t have, partly because of lack of information and lack of statistical data, is the actual cost of the War to Horsham. We don’t know the impact of volunteering or call up in terms of lost/increased income in the Horsham economy. The fact that there were unemployed within the economy meant that they moved to being employed, thus economically viable rather than a drain. Nor do we know how many men went and although it might be possible to know their job, it wouldn’t be possible to know their exact wages, partly because of the black economy, the cash in hand or the gift of foodstuffs and firewood from farms etc. But we do know that a large number of troops were in the town, that they bought beer, they went to the cinema, that they bought ‘sundries’, we know that the local printing press produced a stream of posters, that the railway station was busy with soldiers and visitors. Money was flowing into Horsham, and yes, money was flowing out in public donations and gifts to soldiers on the Front, but although impossible at present to prove, I suspect if there was a cost/benefit analysis done on the War, Horsham benefited financially. In the long term that raises issues about the lost potential of Horsham men who died and that is even harder to judge. Albery and other historians, including this author, have used the statement made by Brown that £1,000 a week came into Horsham because of the Napoleonic War with its barracks etc. This gives a good touchstone to create a picture of its economic impact, but no such figure exists for World War One. Horsham had the Roffey Camp, its billeted soldiers etc. each receiving 1s a day. It is possible to say that each solder on full board cost 2/- 4½d per day, therefore if the solder spent his 1 shilling wages, received 2/- 4½d worth of board and lodgings and the room was let out by a wife whose husband had volunteered then she would receive 1s 1d a day then the war generated 4s 5½d per day per soldier in Horsham. It soon mounts up.

However, as will be shown in the correspondence pages of the County Times, although the Government set out what could be paid, it didn’t mean the people of Horsham got that amount, for the military authorities could decide.

It all started with a letter from a Mr. or Mrs. Redips who wrote to the paper on 3 February 1915 pointing out that Cuckfield, Burgess Hill, Hastings and Brighton paid 23s 4d per week for billeting soldiers, while Cranleigh, Steyning and Guildford paid 17s 6d but Horsham only paid 15s 9d per week. Also in Horsham the money had to be collected, queuing in the street “like paupers at a soup kitchen”, whereas in the other towns it was given at the home. This was followed up by a letter from Private H. E. Dancy of 4^th Royal Sussex who told the readers that “I think this (15s 9d per week) is a rotten sum to offer any housewife at the present time when everything is going in the way of food and coal has so advanced in price, beside the wear and tear of your home” . He went on to note that one lady had told him she subsidises the amount by 3-4s a week to pay for the food bills, before noting “There are other districts where they are receiving £1 3s 4d per man and their money is brought to the door and personally thanked by the Officer, who makes enquiries if there are any complaints…”[31]

Mr. Challis then wrote to the press with the official Circular on Billeting dated 21 December 1914. It states that just lodging, the official rate is 9d per day, but no householder is under any obligation to accept the 1s 9d rate or anything less than the legal rate of 2s 7½d plus 9d for billets.

This was then followed by a long letter dated 12 February 1915 by Charles Rowland who explained that he went to see the Military authorities, a Major Hodgson who agreed to raise the amount to 17s 6d per week, though this was still 6s 11½d less than the Government allowance. It would appear that the Urban Council had been approached before about the rate of pay for billeting solders, but Mr. Rowland hadn’t pursued the matter until “Redips” letter showed up the iniquity. Mr. Rowland also revealed that a resident who wrote to the War Office asking for clarification was told “in the absence of any special agreement to the contrary the Government grant for all soldiers’ allowances is 23s 4½d per week. No special agreement was made in this case but the penalty for obtaining this information seems to have been the prompt removal of the soldiers billeted.” Mr. Rowland goes on to argue that as the government is paying 23s 7½d per soldier per week, who or to what fund is the 7s 7½d going …This is surely a taxpayers’ question, seeing that it means tens of thousands of pounds per week….”

This raises a couple of points, apart from those raised by Mr. Rowland: firstly the number of solders billeted in Horsham must have been in the 20 to 30,000 range if according to Mr. Rowland the 7s 7 ½d lost would raise “tens of thousands of pounds,” as there were 20 shillings to the pound so, roughly, the town lost £1 per week on every three soldiers (it actually “lost” £1 2s 10½d per week for every three soldiers). The other key point is that the people of Horsham might be willing to make sacrifices, but they also wanted to make a profit from the war. If, as Private Dancy writes, that one lady subsidises the food by 3 to 4s a week, and that was when she was unsure only getting 15s 9d, then the 3-4s would mean she spent between 18s 9d and 19s 9d a week, not the 23s 4½d claimed as her due. It would appear that the Officer in charge knew the situation and had worked out a cost: enough to cover, but not to profit out of the War. After all, Private Dancy hadn’t written to say that they were receiving poor food, or not enough of it, though one can assume that the lady to whom he is referring is either his landlady, or perhaps the mother of his girlfriend as money wasn’t the sort of thing you talked about to complete strangers; even today, hence the Major’s decision to raise the allowance to 17s 6d. This appeal for what the town considered was “rightfully theirs” puts the sacrificing talk in the town into doubt. The Government of the day fixed a national rate; the people of Horsham didn’t have to take or demand the maximum amount just because other towns in Sussex did; they just needed to claim what it actually cost to look after the soldiers.

Before leaving the economic argument there are a couple of other points that need to be made. The first concerns the difference between impact of the Napoleonic War on Horsham, and the Great War. The key difference between the two is that in the Napoleonic period the population was only 3,204 in the greater Horsham area and 1,539 in the urban, therefore the £1,000 a week generated by the War (according to Browne)[32] had greater impact, though it went to a few hands: with World War One income it was more diverse and the town’s population had increased substantially. Secondly, and importantly, the nation got into hock to fight World War One; Horsham was a beneficiary of that debt which was paid by all including the industrial base, which wasn’t in Horsham – money and men were being transferred from the wealthy Midlands and industrial heartlands into the depopulated agricultural areas of the south.

The local Church of England swung quickly behind the war, with little sign of outward dissent or disquiet. Opening their doors on a rota as, “in this distressing war-time we feel sure that our people will wish more than ever to be with God. Daily Eucharist will therefore be celebrated in the Churches: S. Mary’s Monday, Wednesday, Saturday, at 8; S. Mark’s Tuesday, Thursday, at 7.30; Holy Trinity, Wednesday at 7.45, Friday at 8.”

However, the Churches fully mobilised to fight the good fight on Friday 21August when every church in the Diocese preached about the War. It was the great day of Intercession where prayers were said for Sailors and Soldiers and for the Country. In Horsham a Local War Fund was set up, raising over £26, with St Mark’s being closed as electric lighting was being installed. The Parish Magazines gives some accounts of the sermons preached on that day. Interestingly, the account for that of Horsham is slight, as if the Vicar didn’t want to make a great fuss over it, whilst Rusper, Rudgwick and Slinfold are more fulsome: the three making the case for war, thus aligning the Church to the cause. As the Parish Magazine would/could have been read by all the congregations the various accounts are given below as it reveals how the communities were thinking about the War in its opening days.

The Vicar of St Mary’s “gave a short address on Eccls. Iii.8. Pointing out that war is part of the scheme of human life, and not necessarily an intempered evil. He urged all to be calm, courageous, self-controlled, and above all, playful at this alarming crisis.” That was at the noon service; in the evening, at 8.15 Rev G. H. Milner “preached from the text in S Peter’s Epistle, “Humble yourselves under the mighty hand of God,” and pictured a nation at prayer asking that even so terrible a visitation as war might turn to a blessing in making us repent, and helping us to realise how God “sits above water floods” and rules destinies of nations.”[33]

“THE WAR AND INTERCESSION. – Our thoughts are now almost wholly occupied by one subject”, writes the Vicar of Rudgwick, Rev Arthur F. Young: “the war in which the honour of our country has compelled us to take part. We may lament the necessity, but a necessity it is, and we enter upon it with clean hands, and therefore we can confidently commit our cause and that of our Allies “to Him that judgeth aright”….Our special Intercessory Services have been most impressive and remarkably well attended, and our Sunday congregations have notably increased. In the midst of so much excitement, the need of a day for quiet thought and prayer becomes specially manifest. Let each Sunday be such a day.”

He then published a poem (he or his brother Percival Young would send a war poem into the County Times in similar vein) about the reason to fight the war and the noble cause, clearly seeing the war in biblical terms and defining good and bad in terms of Christ’s sacrifice, appealing directly to the evangelical and missionary zeal:

“AN INFAMOUS PROPOSAL.” – Mr. Asquith

Are we the spawn of Judas that they thought

We could betray our trust and sell our friend?

Could we, who countless battles past have fought

For Right and Liberty, to bribes descend?

We fling the insult back into their face,

Through battle-thunder bid defiance roll,

And they, who dared to lure us to disgrace,

Meet Britain’s arm, and not Iscariot’s soul.- A.F.Y”

Although not as “poetic” in his approach, the Vicar of Rusper has similar strong feelings about the War. Also, there is a clear indication that he sees the War in terms of his village’s fight against Germany: yes, it is a nation’s war, but it is also Rusper’s war, for he not only rings the bell daily to remind people of the War but also lists those who have volunteered. This doesn’t happen in Horsham. Why? Was Horsham too large by now not to know those who left, or did the vicar not feel that the Parish Magazine was the right place to record such sacrifice? Yet if the War was a religious struggle, why shouldn’t the names be recorded? Perhaps we are seeing a divergence of views.

In his account for the reason for the War, the Rev Edward Synnott, Vicar of Rusper, writes: “The War which has been sprung upon us has brought us face to face with the greatest crisis which this country has known for at least a century. So far as we are concerned, the quarrel is not of our making. For this reason we can thank God and pray with all our might that God will give us the victory. We are fighting for two reasons, which we must ever bear in our minds; In the first place, to uphold the rights of small States; In the second place, to uphold the sacred obligations of a Treaty. Our Statesmen have laboured for peace, our people desired it, our hearts cried out for it; but in the Providence of God it was not to be. By going to war we realise that there are even worse things than war. We believe we have chosen the path of honour and may we be content to stand by the consequences. We shall come forth from this crucible of suffering as gold from the refiner’s fire. War is the negation of the Christian Spirit. ‘When the judgements of God are known upon the earth, then shall the inhabitants thereof learn Righteousness.’ While husbands and brothers and sons are fighting for us, shall we be less earnest to serve our country at home? We cannot all preach, but we can practice to avoid panic and keep a stout heart; we can cultivate sobriety, purity, and neighbourly love. We can support law and order; we can heal up old quarrels, lay aside all jealousy, and work as one family. And above all we can watch and pray.”

He then mentions that the Mid-Day Bell will be rung to remind parishioners to pray for the sailors and solders, before writing about those who have left the Parish for the front. “We ought to be proud to know that our parish has had such signal honour in drawing so many to the front. To all those who have sent forth with tears and yet with joy their husbands and fathers and sons we say to them that our hearts are with them in these hours of suspense and anguish. Our churchwarden Captain Lucas, was taken from us at a few hour’s notice… Others who have gone from us are Captain Boyle, Captain Bryne, and Captain Loring. The following mothers have given their sons: Lady Blake, Mrs. Cunliffe, Mrs. Caswell, Mrs. Forthergill, and Mr. Cobb. The following are also gone to the front: Messrs. C Cocks, King’s Royal Rifles; W. Marchant, Royal Garrison Artillery; T. Reckbell, Berks Regiment; A Watkins, Gloucester Regiment.”[34]

The Vicar of Shipley wrote to his Parishioners or, as he called them, Friends, telling them “As I sit down to write these few words to you the dark, threatening clouds of war have already burst upon us. It has been hard to realise what this terrible crisis, through which Europe is passing, must mean to England. It is possible that, by the time this Magazine should appear, such things will have happened that we shall need all the calm and courage that we can command. Whatever the issues of this – the greatest struggle that the world has ever known – we must be prepared for exceeding dark days. …” the drama of the war and the enormity of it is contrasted with the following announcement: “I hope to arrange to have our Harvest Thanksgiving Services on Sept 27^th. I learn that the harvest for the whole of England is a particularly good one, though poor in our district. This fact – and the fact that we have had opportunity to gather the corn in safely – must give us special cause of thankfulness”.

Slinfold’s vicar gave a very human approach to the reasons and an account for the war:

“We find it well-nigh impossible to think of anything else. But a very short time back and there was peace. Work was undisturbed; homes and families felt secure, and the blessings of peace were ours. And then, like a man’s hand, a little cloud was seen in the sky over Eastern Europe. There did not seem to be any reason why the quarrel between Austria and Serbia should not be settled as between the parties engaged. But complications arose, questions were raised which affected other Powers, and the cloud spread with alarming rapidity, until to-day the shadow of a war, terrible beyond all other wars, is over the whole of our Continent. Practically the whole of Europe is in a state of war, and we, with others, are face to face with the misery and horror of it all.

We seek for some reason for this war, and we cannot find any cause for it, except in the unholy aim of one Great Power to crush a neighbouring state and to become the dominant Power in Europe. And this great Power had it in its hand to help forward and to maintain the peace of Europe. It willed otherwise and it is not too much to say that the responsibility lies at the door of Germany. Lust of power, a desire to crush others, and to gain the predominance – these are the causes of the anxiety which has come upon the nations.

What are we to say of the part which we have elected to play? The alliances which we have made with other great Powers were never made for the purpose of promoting war, or to embroil ourselves and others in international quarrels. They were made for the object of preserving peace. For this our statesmen strove to the end, and now, despite these efforts, we find ourselves committed to the only course open to us consistent with honour. There is one thing worse than war, one event more disastrous in its consequences to a nation or to an individual, and that is the loss of credit, of honour and uprightness. To have left our friends in the lurch, to have looked on while a small neutral country like Belgium and a friendly neighbour like France should be arbitrarily crushed and trodden upon! This would have been to bring upon us the contempt of the world and the scorn of men.

The call is to patriotism, to a common self-sacrifice, however we may be asked to make it, for King and country. But with it all is the call of God. Beyond and over these little lives of ours, overlooking them and directing them, is God. It may be that we have too much neglected Him; that we have not conducted ourselves as His people should. It is a time to look to this, to see what there has been amiss in our attitude towards Him, and His claims upon us. It is a time to take counsel with ourselves upon this matter, and resting ourselves upon a sense of what is right and honourable, to humble ourselves before His footstool, and to say “God defend the Right!”

The Vicar then asked for prayers for the servicemen before listing all of those from Slinfold who had joined, including the four Merritts from the Dog and Duck Inn, a family of 13, had joined the Navy, 14 the Army and 19 the Territorials, and one who joined the Yeomanry.

Whilst the addresses by the vicars to the various communities are powerful indications of the feelings within Horsham, what expresses that feeling more is the way the community immediately rallied round to support the war effort. Again, though, Horsham was not in the vanguard: it was the villages; for example at Slinfold a special collection was made at the Parish Church and Mission Room on Sunday 23 August raising £248. 11s. 7d for the National Relief Fund; this was also supplemented with a door to door collection for the Red Cross which raised £65. 6s. 9d. In addition to that, 116 working people volunteered to make garments for the sick and wounded. At Rusper working parties were established: Lady Bell at Culross on Friday afternoons, and Mrs Synnott, the Vicar’s wife, held a working party at the Rectory on Tuesday at 3 when mothers of the “Mothers Union” were welcome. It would seem that these were poor ladies as Lady Bell provided the materials. Another group was set up on a more casual basis, run by Mrs. Lucas.

The same parish newsletter also reveals a fundamental that easily gets forgotten in the narrative of war: the problems and issues that dominated everyday life before the War continued; the war effort might have taken precedence in reporting; in “history”, but life had to continue and so it was that in September, the Emergency Coal Club was formed by Col. Foster Cunliffe as Chairman. Coals were delivered in the Parish from the first week in October till the end of April 1915 in sacks of one cwt at 1s 4½d per cwt; one cwt per week supplied to each cottage. Orders were to be given to a lady a week before. Cards were acquired from the great and good (Lady Bell, Culross, Mrs. Lucas, Lambs Green; Mrs. Denniston, Westons; Mrs. Martin, Post Office; Mrs. Allen, Friday Street. What the Coal Club also represents is the continuation of the expectation that the titled and landed would still assist and help the less wealthy; not in giving money, but in management skills. The war didn’t preclude such activity – more, broadened the scope of it.

Another example was at Roffey where the Parish bath chair, which was given by the Mother’s Guild, was in need of repair. Originally it was charged out at 2d, but the money hadn’t been collected; now it would be, with the chair held at the Vicarage, from where it could be collected and returned by a responsible person, but not a child. Again, the charitable work for those at home continued throughout the war.

The response from Southwater was interesting in that Southwater’s was drawn into that of Horsham: “A large and influential committee has been formed at Horsham for the collection and administration of relief funds in connection with the Prince of Wales’ Fund. Though not a member of the committee, the Vicar will be glad to advise and assist in bringing any suitable necessitous case to the notice of the committee.”

Although not a Church of England organisation, the Boys’ Brigade was more in tune, as the Southwater Parish Magazine revealed that “Colonel Gorden has kindly undertaken to re-embody the Southwater Patrol …A fund is needed to assist in meeting expenses, and subscriptions will be gratefully received and acknowledged by Mr. H. White, Holmleigh, who has kindly consented to act as hon. Treasurer.” This was in contrast with Horsham where “The outbreak of the war in 1914 led to increasing difficulties as scouters and older scouts, one by one left for National Service. In 1916 two lady scouters, Miss Henderson and Miss Upcott were appointed.”[35]

The Parish Magazine in September carried an extensive account of a speech given by Mrs. Harvey at the Girls Friendly Society. Her husband, The Rev. Harvey, had given some of the most coherent explanations for the War at various public meetings and was instrumental in organising the Local Patriotic Fund (see above). The speech gives a fascinating insight into how women, or rather one woman, viewed the coming of the War and the role for women in it. The speech contains a very long section on how the War started and why Britain became involved; the tone of the speech gives an air of British moral superiority and edited extracts are included here because it reveals the perception people had, a perception brought about through what had been read and understood, an understanding which was evidently drawn from her husband’s speeches, though paraphrased:

“There was a quarrel between Austria and Servia[36], Germany took the part of Austria, and France stood by Servia. There was no question of war with Germany. All might have been settled in Servia, but Germany sent a message to France and also to Russia threatening to declare war against each country if, within a given time, it did not promise to stand off. The Powers appealed to England to keep the peace, and our King and Government did all in their power to prevent war, but without avail.” Mrs. Harvey then explains how Belgium had a treaty of neutrality: the Treaty of London, signed in 1831.

“As soon as was declared, England sent to know if France and Germany meant to keep this promise. France said certainly she would, but Germany’s answer was that though she did not intend to keep any Belgian territory after the war, yet she intended to march her army through Belgium. It was a matter of life and death for her to do so. This was as much as to say, “Might is Right,” a bullying policy that has often made England come to help the weaker side…”

Now Mrs. Harvey goes into overdrive, where she doesn’t quote the British ambassador, Sir Edward Goschen, but gives the impression that that is what she is doing; telling the listener (and now reader) that when the Germans questioned Britain going to war over a treaty, Goschen “quietly replied that he fully appreciated the German Chancellor’s difficulty, but that to England her plighted word was everything, and that where her honour was concerned she was not in the habit of counting the cost!”[37]

She then goes on to report on the mobilisation before arguing, as a Frenchman had, that England needed the War because “Everywhere was discord and party strife, men even ready to fly at one another’s throats, unwilling to listen to reason or remonstrance; in all classes a feeling of discontent and unrest. The War has changed all this.”

She then approaches the key issue for the Girls Friendly Society: “What of us women as regards to War?” But before she does that, she berates the modern society, reminiscent of every generation:

“Did we not want to be roused in these pleasure-seeking days? Looking back to my own girlhood, I can certainly see that the girl of to-day has, and expects to have as a right, ten times the amount of distraction and excitement of former days. Independence now is everything; very little respect is shown to elders or those in authority. There is decay of good manners. …Then what are the women of England doing at this time, whilst the men are going to fight? What is our duty?…There have been many ways of usefulness …for trained nurses…only those fully trained being rightly considered fit for such service.”

She then cites work carried out for supplying Red Cross needs, though that demand had been met, before remarking that “Even in this work it had been necessary to safeguard the interests of those whose livelihood depended on such work,” before explaining in some detail the duty of girls and women, encouraging men to fight.

“Then there is work to which we women and girls are called – hard and very painful work, but one which is our duty – to do all in our power to encourage our own men, brother or lover, to respond to the country’s call, and help in the hour of need. Englishmen are willing, but all do not understand the terrible need, do not understand the training that will be given to fit them, do not know that those dependent on them will be cared for whilst they give their service. It is our part to make all this quite clear to them, to shew (sic) that we shall be proud of their response, and wish them to arise to their great privilege. When the War is over, we want them to know the joy of having stood by England in her hour of need”.

This important aspect of women’s work has often been overlooked: the role of women in running war supply depots, in fundraising, in nursing, providing labour for munitions work; all of that was praised during the War and afterwards. In Horsham, for example, the plaque on Number 8 Causeway records “In honour of the patriotic women of the Horsham War Supply Depot who worked in this house during the Great War 1914-1918”. But the sense of duty borne by the women in encouraging their men to join up hasn’t been recounted. It might be because women were not seen as motivators for men to fight; the Englishman needed no encouragement, he was not under the thumb of the woman in his life, and therefore their sacrifice in their expectation of a married life is ignored. The address, though, also encourages the members of the Girls Friendly Society to think of the better good, the brother and lover will return and they will bear no shame for they did their duty; whereas those that stayed at home, those whose girlfriends and wives didn’t encourage to sign up, will. This can be seen as sexual bullying, though in 1914 the thought of ever stating publicly that women could bully men, be in a position of superiority, would have been treated as a music hall joke. The speech was both powerful and subtle and addressed real concerns and issues. It isn’t surprising that it was given in full in The Parish Magazine.

A corollary to this lecture and on the national stage was the white feather campaign, originally established by retired admiral Penrose Fitzgerald, who encouraged women to hand out white feathers to men they thought should be in uniform even if they were in “restricted occupations”. There was also the formation of Women of England’s Active Service League, founded by Baroness Orczy, which had 20,000 members, and vowed “never to be seen in public with any man who, being in every way fit and free for service, has refused to respond to his country’s call”[38]. Note also it is, as Harvey’s speech, the country’s call; England, not Great Britain nor, importantly the King. This was also manifest in the posters such as Kitchener’s famous Your Country Needs You. Was that because the King was German – Saxe Coburg becoming Windsor for geo-political reasons in 1917, so joining the King’s army wasn’t quite right? Be that as it may, women’s pressure on men to join the imagery through song, poster, talk and film was a powerful recruiting agent.

The Horsham Women’s Social and Literary Club decided in early September 1914 “not to encourage too much voluntary needlework as this would be putting other people out of work”[39], and a week later on 12 September The County Times carried a letter by L. J. Churchman saying that the Committee of the Horsham Suffrage Society and the Women’s Social and Literary Club have met, considered and endorsed the suggestion given by Miss Kensett to preserve and bottle fruit that would then be distributed to those that needed it in the winter months. At the A.G.M of the Literary Society held in May the following year it was reported that “the club had had its vitality quickened and had turned its attention to fund-raising with whist drives and entertainment while making some 700-800 lbs of jam, to distribute among the needy of Horsham.”[40] To enable this work to take place the Suffrage Society offered its rooms at 60 West Street as a depot to collect and receive fruit, jars and sugar. As may be recalled from the previous chapter[41], 60 West Street was the home of the depot of the Quatre Voise. Some of the Suffrage movement were promoting the traditional role of women: making jam, bottling fruit, but with a twist, for the Suffrage Society was using the skills of organisation, gathering and distributing rather than making the jam – that would be done by Miss Wood – skills they had learned in the effective campaign.

The second week of September 1914 saw what The County Times called the “Invasion of Horsham”, the scale of which was large enough that when the troops marched out of town down East Street and Queen Street a postcard was issued of the event. In total about 6,300 troops of the 1st London division arrived at Horsham on Wednesday 10 with the 1st entering the town at 3.45pm from Bramley, Godalming and district, with the final troops arriving at 9.30pm. The “advanced guard” left Horsham soon after 8am and most of the artillery before 9.30 (though most of the convoy was delayed), the following day marching to Haywards Heath where they were inspected by The King. It would appear that the town had been well prepared for their arrival with the police and Urban District Council working together. Unfortunately there were some problems: wagons carrying supplies broke down, not everyone knew the town’s layout, and although rain was desperately wanted, it was depressing that it chose that night to fall, making conditions muddy. Although billeting had been arranged for 7,500 men and the numbers that did arrive were well short of that, some of the billets were oversubscribed and others hardly-used or empty. Be that as it may, the town pulled out all the stops with the following arrangements:

Location	Number of troops	Comment
Springfield Park	Heavy artillery	Water laid on from hydrants in the park
Horsham Park	Field artillery	Water laid on from hydrants in the park
Old Brewery Worthing road	1,500 men	The premises were about to be turned into a motor and cycle stores for Messrs Rice Bros. Mr. Renwick Town surveyor had connected up a water supply here
Urban District Council yard	500
The Olympia skating rink	500
Horsham Grammar School (Collyer’s)	400
Tanyard Barn and buildings	350
The Town Hall
King and Barnes Malthouse Bishopric
Wesley Hall		A large number of visitors entertained with refreshments and music
The Corn Exchange
The Salvation Army barracks
Swan Yard
Kings Head Rooms
Albion Hall
Drill Hall Park Street		Troops didn’t arrive here till 8.30
Black Horse Rooms
Mr. G Blunts Rooms at Springfield School
Mr. Jackson’s Motor Garage, Springfield Road
London-road Store
Horsham Club
Working Men’s Club
Brighton Road Baptist Chapel
Spencer’s Farm
The Cedars
Col. Brander’s (Mill Meads)
Sussex Lodge
Mr. Hammond’s (Springfield Road)
Nightingale’s (Hurst Road) &c &c &c

The paper also recorded that on Wednesday morning magistrates met and agreed to close all public-houses and clubs at nine o’clock as they were told soldiers retired at 9.30pm. Entertainments were laid on at the Y.M.C.A. rooms and Mr. Lynes’ in West Street, and music was performed on the Bandstand in the Carfax.

Around 100 infantry had fallen out in the course of Wednesday’s long march and were left behind. “Thanks to generous subscriptions by friends and capital arrangements made by Mr. C. H. Hunt, Mr. F. A. Sendall and others these were provided with a substantial dinner at one o’clock and left by train at 3.50 highly pleased with the hospitality accorded them. The catering was at the Carfax Hotel, the Station Hotel and Hanley’s Temperance Hotel. Mr. J. H. Stephens provided for 12 at the Friends Meeting-house; and Father B. Cassidy took 10.”

As almost a footnote to the billeting of troops, not all was sweetness and light, as Jane Bowen found when she read the Minutes of a report on East Parade School for February 1915: the school was described after the troops left as being in a “disgustingly dirty and untidy condition…littered with broken food tins, etc. Many of the W.C.’s were left in a foul state”.[42]

BELLOC & BLUNT – TWO LITERARY GIANTS

Over at Shipley the media celebrity and commentator Hilaire Belloc, who was 44 years old when the war started, had suffered the major tragedy in his life: the loss of his wife Elodie in 1913. Like Queen Victoria he went into mourning, wearing black for the rest of his life. When the War broke out he felt he was ideally qualified to fight; he thought himself an expert in military history; he had hated the Germans all his life; he had served in the French army and knew the countryside over which the War would be fought, very well. So in the first months of the war he made a determined effort to join, according to his sister.[43] However, Belloc’s war effort took another route when on 9 September, Murray Allison, the proprietor, or Jim Allison, a Sussex neighbour and advertisement manager on The Times and chief shareholder of the new weekly periodical Land and Water turned up. The journal was solely devoted to the War and Belloc was asked to write for it. Three hours later Belloc signed the contract[44] and so it was that Hilaire Belloc would write a weekly article on the War for a journal that would soon sell over 100,000 copies a week. Belloc, though, still tried to enter the military fray, writing to Lady Juliet Duff on 12 September, “Not a sign of staff for me to go to yet, not even a divisional one. It is an abominable shame, and when I chuck it in disgust and try through the French, it may be too late – they will wonder why I didn’t ask before”[45]. In reality Belloc must have known he could not have fought the War: he stood out like a sore thumb, and although fit he didn’t look it – “his appearance was of a broken and unhappy man, prematurely aged and extremely dirty”[46]. He would have wanted to lecture the military commanders with supposed expertise.

So Belloc took to the pen and wrote each week for Land and Water. He had obviously negotiated a good deal because he also became a shareholder By July 1915 he was being paid £40 an article and as early as September 1914 he had signed up with the publishers, Nelson, to publish his Land and Water articles in book form.[47] As for lecturing, he would charge £20 to £30 for each one and give up to 10 a week. When he lectured at Queen’s Hall in London £600 was taken at the door; 1,000 people turned up to Colston Hall in Bristol to hear him lecture.[48] Belloc skillfully promoted himself along with the propaganda, creating a symbiotic relationship which would enable him to become rich. His articles in Land and Water encouraged people to hear his lectures, which would be reported on by the local and national press, as the County Times often did, which in turn encouraged readership of Land and Water, and so it went on. Was this war profiteering? Not in the usual sense of the phrase, but Belloc became seriously wealthy, a point that Rupert Brooke noted as early at the start of 1915 in a letter to a friend: “It wouldn’t…be much good trying to see Belloc…When he’s not in the London Library surrounded by Atlases, he’s lecturing all over England. He’ll be the richest man in the world by the end of the war: and swamp the Jews.”[49]

But were his articles any good? Spencer Wilkinson[50], a Professor of Military history, wrote to Land and Water, giving Belloc a wonderful Christmas present of praise, saying that “they reveal a thorough knowledge of war and a military judgment of a high order, as well as an unrivalled grip of the geography of a theatre of war and of its significance. They are, moreover, so clearly written and so well illustrated that on one cannot fail to understand them.”[51] Lord Basil would write to Belloc telling him that “your articles in Land and Water are enormously appreciated here by soldiers & it occurred to me at once to suggest to you that it might be worth your while to get the job of writing the official history…”[52]

The Daily Mail in September 1915 published an exposé on Belloc’s account of the War, running it with a placard, “Belloc’s Fables”, [53] whilst a book was also published: “What I know about the War” by ‘Blare Hilloc’. It contained nothing but blank pages, and was distributed at the Stock Exchange.[54] The proposed yearly volumes of articles from Land and Water, under the title A General Sketch of the European War, stopped after the first two, with 1917 and 18 no longer published. There were other critics of him: a soldier writing in The Wipers Times of 26 February 1916 called him ‘Belary Helloc’ who noted “everything points to a speedy disintegration of the enemy”, whilst Siegfried Sassoon wrote: “He argues from the point of view of British rectitude: and it is that which I am questioning. Worst of all, he argues on the assumption that ‘the next few months’ will bring a military decision; he has done this since 1915, so one cannot put much faith in him”[55].

Belloc’s view of the War, though, wasn’t seen through the lens of defending Britain from the tyranny of Germany, nor the moral superiority of Britain itself, for he had no faith in democracy. No – his lens was that of the clash of civilisations: Germany the barbarian nation, against the Catholic civilisation that was personified by France, and Britain by chance found itself on its side. France also represented the old things to protect in the world; Germany the modern, the new and the ugly, some things which some of the British were enthusiastic about, which he could not understand.

Belloc suffered personal loss, investing all his savings in Russian bonds in the middle of 1917; his friend Maurice Bearing suggested this was unwise, hinting that there might be a revolution. Belloc’s reply was: “Ah, but Maurice. It will be a Jewish revolution….”, as there were Jews in the Leninist camp; not realising that this would be no safeguard against communism.[56] Then, on 26August 1918, though he would not receive notification for some days, Louis Belloc, who had suffered from a gas attack, retrained and joined the Royal Flying Corps, and was shot down and killed. Belloc joined the ranks of many of his friends in losing sons and husbands.

Although Belloc had a noted impact during the War in his propaganda, his lectures and writing, his accounts did not stand the test of time, even at the time. However, he did have a lasting impact, one that reverberates even today as I write this on 11November 2007, as the media use extracts from the war poets Owen, Brooke and Gurney to give meaning to the War and to the loss, and that is Belloc’s profound influence on the poets; all of the three carried his battered works with them in the trenches – as Pearce writes, “Rupert Brooke’s discipleship of Belloc was patently obvious in his two best-known poems. ‘The Old Vicarage, Grantchester’ reads in parts almost like a parody of Belloc….Certainly, it is difficult to perceive the following lines as anything but a humorous hybrid of ‘The South Country’ and ‘West Sussex Drinking Song’.

For Cambridge people rarely smile,

Being urban, squat, and packed with guile;

And Royston men in the far South

Are black and fierce and strange of mouth;

At Over they fling oaths at one.

And worse than oaths at Trumpington…”

Pearce then goes on to show how Brooke’s ‘The Soldier’, “reads like a poignant and passionate reworking of the untitled poem that begins ‘He does not die that can bequeath’ with which Belloc had concluded The Four Men”, while noting the comment by Ivor Gurney: “Belloc of course has influenced it, but what of that?”

“I don’t know what will become of all these young men when the war is over. It will have spoilt them for other occupations, those that come out of it alive”. Wilfrid Scawen Blunt, a few months after the outbreak of the war – a highly-perceptive thought that sums up the approach Blunt took to the War.

Whilst Belloc influenced the war poets and his writings and lectures would galvanise public opinion, his literary neighbour reflected an alternative and far less popular view. Wilfrid Scawen Blunt, who was 74 when the War broke out, would not lecture, pontificate or engage in the public arena of the War, though he would have discussions with Belloc, as he wrote in 1914, “I have lived this winter on Belloc”, and with Belloc would come many visitors; in fact Newbuildings became a centre for conversation, a veritable who’s who, and some surprising names would visit Blunt throughout the War. For Blunt was opposed to war. In amongst the pages and pages of why Britain should fight the War: its heroic duty, its honour to defend the Belgians etc, it is refreshing to find someone questioning it and putting forward an alternative, though at the time deeply unpopular, view.

His diaries, which were published in 1919, give an interesting insight into his opposition to the War; though they are written contemporaneously with the events Blunt did call them “Being a Personal Narrative of Events” and as such, the Irish question dominates the early months of 1914 with a visit to Newbuildings of Sir Roger Casement on 14 May 1914. Casement would write him three letters which he published in the Appendix to his Diaries. However, it is the war which concerns us:

31^st July – The ‘Times’ to-day has a special article in largest print recommending England to go to war in aid of France against Germany, but I do not believe in any such folly. Belgrade has been bombarded and it is all but certain now there will be general European war, but not for us. Belloc and I differ in this. He is convinced that France is stronger than Germany. I am not….”

1^st Aug– There is general panic. The London Stock Exchange closed, and the Bank rate raised to 8 per cent. Germany has sent ultimatum both to Russia and to France…I cannot believe we shall be such fools as to take part in it if we are not attacked. Italy is proclaiming neutrality; we shall do the same.

2^nd Aug (Sunday) – Belloc dined with us again to-night, and we had another great argument, whether to join in the war or not. Belloc is for it, I against”.

Blunt then explains Belloc’s view, countering it with his.

Belloc “looks upon Prussia as a ‘nation of atheists’, who, if they beat the French, will destroy Christianity, whereas if the French beat them, ‘Prussia would be hamstrung.’ Russia, he thinks, will never be a danger to Western Europe. If we do not side with France now we shall be left without a friend. England will cease to be a great Power. My view is a very simple one. It seems to me that having no army of any value it would be ridiculous to fight, and would only hasten our discomfiture. Between France and Germany one seems to me as atheistical as the other, and Russia worse than either; England is in no condition to fight any but a naval war and France does not need us at sea. Grey might have stopped all the trouble three years ago by forbidding Italy its raid on Tripoli. It would have been a cheap display of strength. He will hardly be fool enough now to send a twopenny – halfpenny Army Corps to the Continent where he can effect nothing. No. Asquith will announce neutrality tomorrow, not perhaps very beau role, but less absurd than the other.”…

4^th Aug.– Grey’s declaration turns out to be not quite what the evening papers said. It is evidently a compromise between the two opinions in the Cabinet. It denies the obligation to assist France against Germany, except to the extent of preventing bombardment by sea of the French seaboard in the Channel, but it affirms the duty of defending Belgian neutrality….Our local policeman called to-day to inquire how many horses I could put up in my barns. Both Burrell and Leconfield have had a number of horses ear-marked for service, Leconfield as many as forty. I said I could put up twenty under cover, but everything connected with soldiering is hateful to me. …”

5^th Aug – ….to-day the morning papers publish “British Declaration of War against Germany

With this my last entry I close the present volume, reserving my Diary of the War itself for a posthumous occasion…”

Blunt then goes on to explain his attitude to the War in direct and forthright manner:

“Suffice it here to say that my attitude during the four years the war lasted was from the first day one of severest abstention. I called it “unarmed neutrality”. I know enough of our Foreign Office ways and past doings to be quite certain that the reasons put forward by Grey and Asquith for their declaration of war were not and could not be the real reasons….I knew, especially, that the plea put forward by Asquith of “necessity of honour” obliging us to fight for Belgium, was a false plea, good at most as a forensic argument, but quite untrue in fact, for there was not a word in any of the Neutrality treaties affecting Belgium which entailed an obligation on England, or any other Power, collectively or individually, to go to war for a breach of it.”

Blunt then points out that when he left diplomacy in 1870 the treaty of neutrality was known for “obsolete ineffectiveness.…nor would any one then have been much shocked at the treaties concerning it being spoken of as “scraps of paper”, which in fact they were as far as entailing any obligation of war on any of the signatories to maintain it went.” As Blunt went on to note that if that was the case then it obliged one power to fight all four other signatories if the four had decided to join forces to partition Belgium, something that no diplomat or signatory would have signed up to. Blunt saw the cause for war as a commercial one, “of a too powerful commercial rival and the fear of Kaiser Wilhelm‘s forcing France, if we stood aside, into commercial alliance with him against us in the markets of the world.”[57]

In the later years, Blunt’s life during the War has been recounted in two notable biographies: one by his grandson and the other by Elizabeth Longford[58], both writing as more and more of Blunt’s personal papers came into the public domain. However, as biographies they make for confusing reading; simply to get an idea of the chronology of events as the narrative told is thematic rather than chronological. So based on these two books Blunt’s war seems to have been as follows. But why should we concern ourselves with Blunt and the War? I think you will be surprised as much as the writer is by the story that unfolds, for in Horsham’s midst was a man whose connections spanned the who’s who of certain sections of the political elite.

Blunts view of the War would be made public later, revealing a hypocrisy over the whole issue, only glimpsed at in his Diaries, probably because they were too sensitive in 1919. According to Lytton “The ironies of the war years disgusted as well as amused him, from the petty foolishness of war time hysteria …to the serious inconsistencies of Government propaganda.”

The first example of the foolishness can be explored through the Government’s attitude to rabbits. In a letter dated 5 March 1915 Merrick R. Burrell of Knepp Castle wrote:

My Dear Mr. Blunt

I hope you will not forget yr. promise to get yr. keepers to kill the rabbits down really close this year so as to do the tenant farmers on either side of you as little harm as possible.

The importance of a good wheat crop this year is very obvious, and indeed of oats too as they are at a very high price, and we are all so very short of straw. I’ve got the rabbits on this estate very low now, but mean to keep on at them yet, and if fresh ones don’t come in I hope I shall not cause any one any damage. But it is only by co-operating that we can keep them within limits …” [59]

The very day he got this letter his cousin Gerald Blunt, who ran Springfield House School in Horsham, wrote to him “advising him to breed wild rabbits in his garden as provision against possible famine.”[60]

The second example “The use of England’s treaty with Belgium as a reason for entering the war seemed to him nonsense… Belgium had long since broken her guarantee of neutrality; she had fortified her cities, kept a large army, and for some years before the war had sided obviously with the Triple Entente against Germany. When invited by the editor of the Nation to sign a manifesto headed “Britain’s Destiny and Duty”, he replied: “Where was Grey’s respect for treaty guarantees when he acquiesced in Austria’s annexation of Bosnia, in Italy’s raid on Tripoli and the dismemberment of Turkey after the Balkan War? Where especially has been his respect for his own written guarantee of Persia signed by himself?”[61]

This sense of hypocrisy burned throughout the War so that when, in 1917, the allies replied to President Wilson’s comments Blunt saw it as audacious hypocrisy in saying that they had done nothing to provoke the war; only that they had the good of humanity and the independence of the peoples in mind. “These principles” declared Blunt “are to be exemplified everwhere apparently except just in the British Empire as to which not a word is said of a willingness to forgo their annexations of Egypt and Cyprus, or to restore the German colonies in Africa. There is no word of the Italians relinquishing their conquest of Tripoli, the French their conquest of Morocco, while Constantinople is to be taken from the Turks including Gallipoli which England failed so egregiously to capture by force of arms.”[62]

Blunt decided to make no direct public action against the War or to campaign for peace, as he had done as early as 1882 when he suffered for such a move, especially when Britain was geared up for a patriotic war. So when, in 1914/early 15, he was urged to republish his The Future of Islam, particularly because no-one was certain how the Islamic peoples would fight in the war; a war that the west was portraying in Christianity terms, Blunt refused and published little new throughout the War. That didn’t stop him, though, from entertaining and having opinions on the War which he expressed at these dinners, for he wanted those that fought the war to do so with clear thought and intelligence.

As mentioned before, Belloc was a frequent visitor; he brought along Basil Blackwood[63], who planned to become a disciple of Blunt; others included Mrs. Asquith who was the Prime Minister’s wife, and Winston Churchill, who first came to Newbuildings in 1910 with his cousin Shane Leslie, would also visit with his American wife. In May 1915 Winston Churchill had been shunted from the Admiralty to the Duchy of Lancaster after the Dardanelles fiasco. Blunt visited Churchill in August of that year, spending four hours with him where he talked about a portrait Churchill had painted “saying it belonged to the futurist school’, before they moved on to the War when his worry over the loss of life at Gallipoli played heavily on Churchill’s mind. ‘There is more blood than paint upon these hands’, he said to Blunt, showing his paint-smeared fingers with queer little tragic gesture. ‘All those thousands of men killed. We thought it would be a little job, and so it might have been if it had been begun in the right way…’ Grown stout and thick-set, Churchill reminded Blunt of Napoleon on St Helena”[64].

A fortnight later Churchill dressed in Arab robes and attended a dinner at Newbuildings along with Belloc and others when he held forth on the stupidity of the war office, “because all those who had power of continuing it were profiteering by it”. By November Churchill had wanted to go off and fight in Flanders. On hearing this whilst entertaining Belloc to a “roistering dinner”, Blunt drafted a letter to Winston:

“I am commissioned on our joint behalf and on that of the parish of Shipley to congratulate you on your courage in breaking loose from your official bondage to that gang of incapables which has been making a fool of the British Empire. We look to you now to take the supreme command of our gallant armies abroad and to revive the glories achieved by them in the past under your great ancestor.”[65]

When, in 1917, Churchill returned to political power, Blunt congratulated him and that autumn visited Clementine at the Churchills’ new Sussex home of Lullenden, and the following year played up his virility status by saying, when Churchill had another baby, “I shall consider it in some sort mine, for…did I not kiss her in that pleasant barn before we parted?”[66] Blunt and Churchill had a number of other meetings leading Blunt to prophesy: “He …will come back some day and take the running for the premiership with a pretty good certainty of winning”.

Wilfred Meynell, Sydney Cockerell and Osborne Beauclerk[67] were all frequent visitors to Blunt at New- buildings. Those that couldn’t visit kept up extensive correspondence. One of the correspondents was Blunt’s old flame to whom he wrote his first published poetry: the courtesan Skittles. A letter dated 20 November 1914 records how well she also knew the German Kaiser, who as Crown Prince gave her a photograph and a jewelled sunshade which she sold to raise money for the poor wounded troops. According to Blunt’s annotations to the letter, when Skittles recalls that she was “a girl” at this time, “she cannot have been less than forty”. She also occasionally visited. “In March 1918, Blunt wrote ‘Thank God, here is spring at last, a roaring lion it has come and with it XX (Skittles) …to spend the day and see the horses. Though deaf and partly blind XX is unconquered in talk, and gave us all the gossip of the hour though it is too piecemeal for reproduction….I sent her away happy with a basket of butter and eggs to eke out her London rations.’

One other notable visitor was Sir Roger Casement, who visited early in 1914 and who in 1916 would lead an unsuccessful rising in Ireland in 1916, which would see him being hanged for treason having been disparaged in the press through circulation of various “diaries”[68]. Blunt refused to sign a petition for clemency for Casement because he knew Casement wouldn’t want that; Casement wanted martyrdom. Such was the high regard both had for each other, Blunt wrote an unpublished apologia – Ballad of Sir Roger Casement, whilst Casement wrote on a smuggled letter out of prison “give my love to Wilfrid Blunt”[69].

Although Blunt had prolific discussions about politics in private, in public it was with his poetry that he continued to make his name during the War years. In June 1914 Macmillan was ready to publish a two-volume edition of his poetry, though it decided to wait till October when the book was published to some success. Of the younger poets he admired Rupert Brooke, who “certainly had the making of a poet as poetry was understood twenty years earlier”, whilst other poets: the moderns, poets who followed the new style, wrote in a style he disparaged. He was not alone in this disparagement, “where there is neither decency nor art, which seemed to be the cubit ideal, verse is mere outrage”. Blunt continued to be in the public eye, and with some he was seen as the sage, though he saw himself more as an old-fashioned squire, becoming more and more attached to his Sussex roots. When, for example, it was suggested that Woodgaters, a farm on Newbuildings estate, should be turned into an agricultural school for returning soldiers, Blunt’s view was that he only wanted returnee Sussex farmers, not northern people who will not follow Sussex ways.[70] And when The Petworth Posy was published he commented that, although Kipling, Belloc and Francis Thompson were amongst the Sussex poets, “I am the only one of them born in the county or with any family connection in it”[71]. Against this image of a Sussex lord, Blunt showed incongruity by frequently dressing in Arab robes and still having Pompey, a black slave he bought at Cape Verde Islands in 1867, [72] who though now a servant would, as with the rest of his staff, be expected to show unquestioning obedience.

Why, in a history of Horsham during World War One, does Blunt figure so much, because he is one of the forgotten figures during the war? Belloc used the media to make his name and fame, to argue and publicise his ideas. Blunt was more discreet but, in some ways, more important because Newbuildings, an hour out of London by train, provided a space for debate and reflection with someone who was worldly. Newbuildings, with its sage, became an alternative; an alternative to the notion that war was “a good sport” and all the allied commentary. How important was that? I cannot judge, but it was thought by many to be important for they frequently attended, and it is probably the first time that the great of the land visited Horsham for counsel. With Belloc they got the counsel in the press, with Blunt they got it over a meal, privately and discreetly.

**********************

In November 1914 Sussex had decided to become, in effect, a military zone, just in case invasion occurred. The Sussex Emergency Scheme “in case of invasion” was launched with a chain of responsibility going from the Central Organising Committee, via Petty Sessional Divisions, to landowners and householders; a Women’s Emergency Corps was set up out of local women’s organisations to provide a trained body of women to carry out instructions of the local Emergency Committee in case of a raid. Classes were arranged on First Aid, Transport, signaling, Camp cookery and Commissariat and Sanitation, for recruits of 18 years and over.[73] Home life in Sussex was on war footing.

Horsham, although seen as a rural town, was still involved with making armaments. The image is at variance with what most people would think about wartime Horsham; after all, armament factories were based in the big cities. But just as in the Second World War, Horsham had two engineering works: Lintott’s and Prewetts, and they could be converted to making weapons. In fact there were three manufacturers: Jackson’s motor works; “At Lintott’s out of a pre-war staff of 49, 23 served in the war, while the rest turned out 1,000 9″ mortars and 3,000 4″ howitzers[74] – at Prewett’s, however, some thirty married women were employed in two 4-hour shifts turning out shell cases. Mrs Richardson, one of Prewett’s workers, considered she had been called up. In fact, there was no conscription for women in WWI, although they did go through a form of “enlistment” by committing themselves by contract to a certain period. Mrs. Richardson’s employment lasted 18 months until a week or two after the Armistice, when she returned to her trade of dressmaking.”[75]

One of the surprising things about Horsham in these early months of the War was the 22^nd Battalion Fusiliers, who were formed in London, yet they were camped in Horsham; not overnight but for nine months, from October 1914 to June 1915. But the origin of the 22^nd lies with the Mayor and the Borough of Kensington, the Mayor being one Lt. Col. J. Innes, who had moved to Roffey. The impact of the camp was felt through the network of support that Horsham and Roffey gave the troops, through entertainments, morale-boosting occasions such as football matches and through the “home comforts”, such as Christmas gifts. On 28 November a Temporary Restriction Act was continued having been introduced on the 26October – it was now extended up to and including 31 December. It suspended “the sale or consumption of intoxicating liquor on the premises of all persons holding retailers licenses and in all Registered Clubs (except to or by Members of such Clubs) situate in the Urban District of Horsham and on the premises of “The Norfolk Arms”, Roffey at and from the hour of half-past nine pm on each day…” with the exception being “to or by bona fide travelers”. (Roffey being close to the Camp). These semi-permanent soldiers and the billeting of troops in the town led W. H. Corbett, Captain-in-Command of Church Lads Brigade, to write in November: “The prevailing military spirit of the town has, perhaps, been answerable for a number of recruits. We hope they will stick to their work and that parents and employers will encourage them.”[76] The Parish Magazine also sets out how the Church of England’s Men’s Society could help the troops and St Mary’s Hall was opened for the Territorials with members of C.E.M.S. in charge, going on to say “As soon as it was known that a Battalion was to be formed in Horsham, the C.E.M.S. called a meeting to see what could be done to help the Terriers feel at home. The Y.M.C.A., Horsham Institute, and Working Men’s Club committees were written to, with the result that each Institution co-operated and opened their rooms to the Terriers. The C.E.M.S. is very grateful to the following ladies and gentlemen for gifts:-

Mrs. Padwick – the free use of St Mary’s Hall, an evening paper, several games, and two bushels of apples;

Mrs. Beeching – several games, periodicals, and a bushel of apples;

Mr. and Mrs. Vernon- periodicals, magazines, and concert programme;

Miss Bostock- a concert programme;

Miss Marjorie Gall – a concert programme;

Mrs. Willis – a daily paper and games;

Mrs. Skinner – a daily paper;

Mr. Peirce – games;

Mr. A. J. Stedman – use of gramaphone;

Miss Annie Tate- a concert programme;

Mrs. Holdsworth, gift of Magazines.”

By December 1914 Horsham had like the rest of the nation become accustomed to war with the realisation that it wouldn’t be over by Christmas. The last four months had seen Horsham immersed in the War, a war that the Country had been ill-prepared for, so there was a great deal of negotiation, public debate and establishment of new organisations which used the skills of the voluntary sector. It was in many respects a challenge that the middle classes “stepped up to” and took on.

Christmas 1914 has become part of World War One legend with its game of football across the trenches. In Horsham the town held a Christmas entertainment for the Belgian refugees in the Albion Hall. The hall was decorated with flags and long festoons sent by the Horsham Cricket Week Decoration Committee. There were about 150 people in attendance with the Belgian refugees being delivered to the hall by motor car from Albert Lodge and No 22 The Carfax. By February 1917 there were still nine at Albert Lodge and a family of five children and a mother being looked after by the Roman Catholic Father Cassidy. [77]

Horsham and Belgian Refugees

One of the key reasons for entering the War was the invasion of little Belgium. Newspapers and magazines of the day constantly commented on German brutality to Belgians. One would expect that the local authorities would be in sympathy with any appeal. But, as Jane Bowen found out, this was far from the case. “Southern England received the main impact of the refugee problem as the majority of Belgians arrived in Folkstone. Horsham does not appear to have been inundated, but even so officialdom – the Horsham Urban District Council and the Hospital – refused requests to help – and it was individuals who made accommodation available as and when necessary. Two houses were lent for refugees: one at 22 Carfax and the other, Albert Lodge, Kings Road. The H.U.D.C. relented enough to remit rents and rates on these houses (as they had for WSD), but the families were maintained by local funds and contributions in kind. In 1915 there were ten Belgians in the Carfax, with two families and two nuns, by 1918 only two women and three small children were left; they moved to 22 Carfax, and then returned to Belgium”[78]. The authorities did, though, allow extensive fund raising.

One of the notable events of Christmas 1914 was the death of Mr. Charles Cyril Eversfield, the owner of Denne Park House, whose death at the age of 42 saw the estate pass out of the direct family to distant cousins who had, in order to inherit, to change their name to Eversfield. The new owners became Bethune Eversfield, thus ending 300 years of direct family control of what was one of Horsham’s most important estates, a family who had become involved in the town 200 years earlier when they entered the murky world of 18^th century political fray and then around 50 years ago when they built the chapel in Denne Road. Charles left unsettled property of £17,291 as well as dog kennels for which he was well-known.

Horsham at this time was still acting as a second home for the County Council and its various committees. On 31December 1914 in Horsham the Higher Education Sub-Committee recommended that West Sussex County Council seek a loan from the Local Government Board of £9,360 to build, equip, employ a clerk of works and lay out the grounds of a new High School for Girls in the town. As early as 10 December the Governors of the Pupil Teacher Centre for Girls in Horsham had approved the scheme, so it was making its way through the various committees, until it was adopted without discussion by the West Sussex County Council’s Education Committee. Horsham was going to have a High School for Girls, which would house about 150 pupils.[79] Except that it didn’t happen, for the same Education Committee agreed to give the 4^th (Reserve) Battalion Royal Sussex Regiment the land in Hurst Road, set aside for the school, as a football pitch. Probably the expectation was that the War would soon be over and work could start, but it wasn’t to be.[80] Horsham High School for Girls would have to wait as the plans and development became swamped by the war effort.

1915 – The War didn’t end at Christmas

At the start of 1915 William Albery who, through his book on Burstow’s Reminiscences, articles and talks, had taken on the mantle of town historian, wrote a diary of the year. Although he called it a diary it was more a series of comments and notes about the things he saw and heard about. What is remarkable about it is its brevity: for the momentous events happening, the diary has very few entries. The same can be said about the County Times: the paper is remarkably light on events and incidents in the town. This might, or probably does, reflect on the location of events in Horsham in a wider narrative. The fact that X happened in Horsham pales into insignificance in comparison with the War in Europe. It leads to self-censorship, the ‘it’s not important; it’s not history – who will be interested?’ At that time also the perception of history being in the main “of the great and the good”, or the evil and the despicable, rather than the humdrum and everyday, also reduces the capture of information. There is the other point, that the local paper was probably short of reporters at the time. So William Albery’s Diary of 1915 to 1917 contains very little, but what is mentioned is interesting, because it is so rare for Horsham. It should also be mentioned that according to the 22^nd Battalion Royal Fusiliers Fortnightly Gazette that William Albery “the well known saddler and harness maker….is serving his country as a Sussex National Reservist stationed at Bletchingly Surrey.”[81]

The other question to ask is: why did Albery keep one for 1915 and not at the start of the War? Two things: Albery kept a great deal and gave it to the town on his death in 1950, but we have virtually no other diary of his; we have a record of his cycle rides and this small notebook. Albery wasn’t a diary keeper by nature, so why now? Perhaps Albery thought, as the rest of the nation did, war would be over, so why keep one? It was the realisation that it wouldn’t be which spurred him on to keep the notebook.

However, within the diary is a clue to its actual origin: Albery, in two separate places, refers to the same event and gives them two different dates. On “13 October Private Charman was given the iron cross”; he then records the incident again on 6 January; the first is given at the Bandstand where the Recreation Band played and the second at the Town Hall. The newspaper of the day records the event as taking place on 5 January, as does the poster in the Museum’s collection which was produced by the County Times stating that “The Chairman of the Urban District Council has received a DECORATION CROSS of the Russian Order of St George from his Imperial Majesty, the Emperor of Russia conferred by His Majesty on Private W H CHARMAN, No 9837 2^nd East Lancashire Regt….”[82]

Which strongly suggests:

Albery got the wrong person and in fact two Horsham people were awarded the cross, or;
Albery records the event twice by accident

Either way what this really shows is that the so-called diary is in fact a series of recollections, hence the cryptic nature and the brevity of the accounts. This leads on to the question of whether these were the memories of Albery or of comments given to Albery. It would also explain the notebook having a uniformity, all in pencil, and the book actually being a note book, not a formal diary.

However, the notebook does itself contain a number of snippets about town life and is a very important document for the town at this time as the town prepared itself, like the nation, for the long haul; war was not going to be quick, painless and full of glory. A transcript of the Diary can be found at the end of this chapter.

1915 saw in Horsham the creation of the War Hospital Supply Depot, a branch of the Hove Depot. It had four aims as reported in a letter to The County Times:

“WAR HOSPITAL SUPPLY DEPOT

It is proposed to start a Branch in Horsham of the War Hospital Supply Depot at Hove. The chief objects of the Depot are:

To collect or purchase the proper materials from which all sorts of bandages, splints, medical dressings and other War Hospital requisites can be made.

To make the various articles daily in the rooms of the Depot under thoroughly qualified and expert superintendence. This work will be done by voluntary helpers.

To collect and receive Gifts of all other necessities such as Antiseptics, Invalids Foods, Clothes, etc.

4. To distribute quickly to various Hospitals at the Front and others which are in urgent need of all such requisites.

Further particulars of the working of the Branch will be inserted in next week’s paper.

In order to ensure success a considerable amount of financial support is necessary. The Committee urgently appeal for funds.

President: Mrs E D A HARVEY

Hon Treasurer: MRS CURTIS

Hon Secretary: MISS ALLCARD”[83]

This organisation wasn’t the only one operating in Horsham dedicated to medical support; there was the Red Cross Society whose chief campaigner was Mrs. Godman of South Lodge. However, it is the Vicar of Slinfold who explained to his congregation that “A very generous response was made to the appeal for help in fitting up a hospital for wounded soldiers in Horsham….(some £68 12s)… When it was found that the proposed hospital in Horsham was not acceptable to the authorities, it was decided to use the money in hand to help with the Red Cross Society in connection with their new hospital which is being erected at Netley. The hospital is to consist of 25 huts of 20 beds each.” The Vicar goes on to explain that of the 245 garments made by the Slinfold parish, 128 were for the Red Cross, 47 for Belgian refugees who were living in Horsham and the 70 garments for the wives and children of soldiers were sent to those of the 60^th Rifles at Aldershot. So the Horsham branch of the Red Cross Society drew in materials and support from the outlying villages with the Parish Magazine identifying donors and supporters, not for the local hospital but for the main one at Netley. This didn’t put donors off; for example, the November 1914 Magazine reported that in Rudgwick the collection raised £26 8s 5d, £10 of which was sent to the Horsham Branch and the rest was spent on materials to make garments in the village: 173 in all besides bandages and crockery to send on to the hospitals. The report goes on to say that the Horsham Branch has been asked to erect and maintain one of the new huts at the new hospital at Netley, the cost of erecting a hut being £300 and each bed at £1 per week, with each hut taking 20 beds and there being 25 huts in all. This account was then followed by the amount of jam made and sent to Netley and Brighton Hospital, some 88lbs in total, by the good folk of Rudgwick. The Shipley vicar also reported on a letter received from Lady Burrell in which she reported on the support given by the village to the Red Cross and other hospital aid, noting that 280 articles of clothing were made and sent to Mrs. Godman whilst 100 pairs of socks were sent to the Queen for redistribution to the Front. The Vicar added:

“I replied to the above letter that I was sure the parish (as well as our soldiers and sailors) appreciated tremendously the goodness of Lady Burrell in undertaking so much hard work, and were glad only to be able to help her in any little way. To my knowledge, since the war commenced, Lady Burrell has never ceased to think and work on behalf of our brave soldiers and sailors. It is such love and self-sacrifice exhibited by our women folk at home, together with the prowess of our men at the Front, which has made England what she is, and makes us confident at this time to look forward to still greater glory.”[84]

This report followed one for Itchingfield and then a far longer report by Alice M. Godman, Vice President of the Horsham Division. In it she notes that Mr. and Mrs. G. S. Brown of Oakendean, Cowfold paid for a hut and equipment, whilst subscriptions raised at Cowfold provided enough money for a year and a half maintenance for one hut.[85] Mrs. Godman then lists the amount of garments estimated to be required for one hut: “dressing gowns 50; slippers, 75; socks, 450 pairs; day shirts, 300; cotton night shirts, 80; flannel, 40; pyjamas, 120; trousers, 90; bed socks, 40 pairs; bed jackets, 120; pocket handkerchiefs, 120; pillows, 16; helpless case shirts, 20; hot water bottle covers, 20;.” before reporting that enough garments had been made in the neighbourhood that the whole number had been guaranteed for one hut for one year and a start had been made on the second hut. In total the villages sent or promised 1,030 garments[86]. Another notable lady supporting the war effort was Mrs. Henderson of Sedgwick Park, who informed the vicar that in Nuthurst the Red Cross Society raised £48 3s 6d which was mainly spent on materials to make 310 garments. There were also throughout the war numerous fundraising events for St Dunstan’s Hospital, Flag Days for example.

There was a distinct difference in fundraising between the First and Second World Wars. Horsham and the villages actively supported the care of the sick and injured. Why? That may seem an odd question, but why was so much effort put into tending the wounded. That may not seem odd to the people then, but it does seem strange today. There are three key points, though that marks out the response then from that of today, or even that of the Second World War.

The first is that during the Second World War, as will be seen later, Horsham fundraised for military armaments, to buy “Stan’s” spitfire, to help pay for the submarine, the Ulna, both involving large sums of money. In World War One the public could invest in war bonds, but there was no drive to buy armaments, to “sponsor” weapons, nor in the Second World War was there an equivalent drive to fund medical services. In World War One Horsham had the War Supply Dept, run as the plaque states on Number 8 Causeway, “by the Patriotic Women of Horsham, providing medical supplies”. In World War Two the Patriotic Engineers which included both men and women were making items for weapons, not hospital supply items. What changed? And whatever changed what does that tell us about the time? First of all, by the Second World War the world knew what modern warfare was like and had knowledge of how combatants could be injured. Secondly there was an expansion of medical services after World War One, in part to deal with the large number of injured, in World War One Britain had to start from a low base, both in terms of actual hospital provision and in medical knowledge, the First World War saw a growth in orthopaedic knowledge as disabled people survived, this would later feed in to the general population enabling crippled children and adults to receive medical help.[87] One other difference was that World War One was fought by men for whom the term “cannon fodder” might be crude, but it is apt.

Another distinction between the First World War then and now, today in 2011, is that we expect the State to provide for the injured soldiers who are employed by the State on our behalf. The expectation is that the public purse, which has expanded greatly since 1914, will pay for it all. It was only with the shock that the State is not going to pay for it, that the soldiers have been “let down”, that the “covenant” has been broken, that fundraising for the injured took off at the end of 2007. On 2 December 2007 a lead in the second section of the Sunday Times was about a TV presenter (Jeremy Clarkson) resolving to help the wounded soldier he (and many others) felt had been strongly let down by the N.H.S., under a campaign called “Help for Heroes.” In Jeremy Clarkson’s case it was visiting a soldier, Ben Parkinson, who had both his legs blown off. In the First World War such support started, as illustrated above immediately. There was no real expectation that the State would step in. The State wanted volunteers, but as volunteers then they shouldn’t expect special treatment, so the voluntary sector had to help. As the War progressed so attitudes changed, and with Conscription in 1916 the change was fundamental. Before 1915 disabled ex-servicemen had to rely on voluntary bodies such as the Prince of Wales’s National Relief Fund, the Royal Patriotic Fund etc, but that changed with the Naval and Military War Pensions Act of 1915, and local war pensions committees were established. The committees were appointed by county or town councils and had to contain trade union representatives as well as voluntary bodies. Initially one third of the administrative cost was paid for by the council and two thirds by the state, but by December 1918 the state funded the whole cost of the administration through the Ministry of Pensions[88]. The nation state was now expected to look after the soldiers, though voluntary support was still sought as it is today with the yearly Poppy appeal.

The other point was that the war-wounded were now amongst the population. By the end of the war, over:

41,000 men required amputation of limbs,
272,000 suffered injuries in arms or legs that didn’t require amputation,
60,500 were injured in the head or eyes,
89,000 sustained other damage to their bodies.

And as late as 1939, some twenty years later, 222,000 officers and over 419,000 servicemen in other ranks were still being paid disability pensions.[89] Every town and village saw a person who was injured, visitors to Brighton and along the South Coast saw hundreds of injured soldiers, and it could not be avoided. This carnage occurred on the male who in the years leading up to World War One had been seen in the literature and posters, film etc as an idealised form, the “muscular Christianity” with the school system encouraging the view. This image should have received a shock during the Boer War when, for example, in Manchester 11,000 volunteered but only 1,200 were accepted as fit in all respects and 8,000 rejected.[90]But it didn’t and so it was that Britain entered the war with an image of its menfolk as heroic, masculine, and those at home would do everything they could to remake or help maintain this image through medical support. If the men were made less complete or whole then the nation must rally round and help make them complete again. So it was in Horsham where there was a constant drive for supporting medical services. This drive manifested itself in unusual ways; for example, in August 1915 an appeal was made for jam by the Chairman of the War Hospitals Nursing Committee in Brighton which had over 1500 sick and wounded “irrespective of Belgians and Indians”. A collection depot was set up at 30 West Street.

Whilst all this was going on, what happened to the medical provision within Horsham? The Parish Magazine in October 1914 could mention that the Horsham District Nursing Association had suffered very little due to the war, though both Queen’s nurses had been called away: Nurse Hall left in the middle of August for the 2^nd Eastern Hospital Brighton, whilst Nurse Wyllie was called up to join the Australian Field Hospital and sailed from Southampton for the Front. She was, however, replaced with another Australian, Nurse Good, who was spending the summer in England, and Nurse Tammadge, who lived at the Nurses Home in 4 Hurst Road along with the replacement midwife.[91] The Cottage Hospital had offered three of its beds in March 1916 following the Hospital taking its first soldier, William Charman, in February of that year. The beds were made available to the War Pensions Committee for discharged men from the district served by the Hospital, whose cases were considered suitable by the medical staff of the hospital. At this time there were only 20 beds available in West Sussex for discharged soldiers; the government paid 5/- per day for each bed in use.[92] The wartime fundraising put a strain on the finances of the Cottage Hospital as resources were diverted. However, the saviour was the decision in 1901, which was implemented in 1903, to have a private ward for fee-paying patients; this was altered in 1913 to the following approach: “All patients shall be medically and surgically treated free, except paying patients, who, if accommodation permits, may be admitted by special arrangement with the medical staff and Committee. Not more than two patients to be in the Hospital at the same time. This arrangement lasted until the building of the second hospital.”[93] The fees from the general ward patients came to £105 15. 0 while 14 patients in the Private ward paid £131[94]

Horsham Hospital – an overview by Jane Bowen[95]

“As an existing organisation, of charitable foundation but staffed by professionals, the Hospital would seem to have been a most suitable centre from which to direct Horsham’s medical war effort. Yet, the Committee jealously guarded its civilian status and maintained a war-long attitude of dogged parochialism. Grudgingly, they did agree to admit soldiers in case of emergency, but only on condition that the Government paid the going rate for each patient.[96] When, in response to a request from the War Pensions Committee in 1918, the Committee, equally reluctantly, agreed to accept three discharged soldiers from the district, the men were given considerably less space in their ward than that required by the regulations for General and Military Hospitals.[97] The Committee were, however, unmoved by appeals to improve conditions and refused also to install special electrical apparatus for the men’s treatment. It is, of course, possible that the Committee were constrained by financial considerations, difficulties with staff in war-time, as many, including the medical officer, Dr Stevens left for the war, and a genuine concern for its proper peace-time purpose, but in view of keen local interest in the Hospital and the successful fund-raising campaigns, such as annual “pound days”, run by Miss Allcard, it is regrettable that the Committee were not able to take a more generous attitude, at least to Horsham wounded. Not surprisingly, a small nursing home, under the auspices of Lady Loder of Leonardslea, was opened early in 1915 in King’s Road, for men of the 4^th battalion, although it was taken over in July by the R.A.M.C. as a dietary hospital (HPM & WSCT). It is ironic that when a new hospital, planned from pre-war days, was built in 1922, it was as a War Memorial Hospital.

Within Horsham life carried on as normally as possible, partly in order to create the appearance of normality for when the troops did return, for the troops were fighting a war to keep Britain as it was, not a Britain changed out of all recognition. So it was that when in March 1915 the Urban District Council held elections for the six seats, there were ten candidates. In total 1059 voted out of an electorate of 2,669 which was one fewer than the last election. The County Times reported that “Messrs Brown, Chart, Sendall and Hart were the most enterprising candidates as far as posters, sandwich-men &c were concerned” Though, as the results showed, the effect of this was slight as Chart and Sendall came 4 and 5 and Hart and Brown 8 and 9 respectively and were thus not elected. Having said that, Chart and Sendall were new Councillors, therefore they needed to get their message across; which they obviously did. Probably, though, one of the most interesting aspects of the election is an aside by the newspaper: “Undoubtedly good work was done by motor cars”, transporting the electorate to the Town Hall where polling took place. In the past it would have been horse and carriage; even as early as 1915 it was the motor car.

In wartime, though, normality was difficult to maintain, especially if communication was fragmented and instructions badly received or interpreted, so at the end of January 1915 an order was issued to extinguish all outside lights at 5pm and all lights in windows in Kent, Sussex and Surrey. This caused confusion as the order was issued by the Police authorities and that included motor vehicle lights. That evening it was accepted that the order did not relate to motors or cycles. The following day, Wednesday notices were issued telling people of the change. However, by midday on Thursday further clarification was issued restricting light within 15 miles of the coast and that business and dwellings could be lighted. In order to get the messages out quickly the authorities used posters, but the haste meant that the degree of confusion was very public.

In February The County Times reported on a new management structure for the Horsham Council Schools. (There was still no Local Education Authority: school provision was directed by Government through the local council). The town had seen the opening of two schools in Oxford Road: the Oxford Road Boys and the Oxford Road Girls. At the Boys the new head teacher was Mr. Corbett who had four assistant teachers, whilst at the new girls school two head teachers, one from East-Parade Girls and the other from Denne Road Girls, were invited to apply, but only Miss Lawrence of East-Parade applied, thus being given the post along with three certified assistant teachers, all three coming from East Parade. She in effect took her team with her to this new school. Miss Lawrence also took a pay cut to have the post but viewed it as an honour. There then followed further staffing alterations: it was decided that the head teachers of the two junior mixed schools be female; Denne Road Junior mixed had one head, one certificated, two uncertificated, one supplementary and one other, whilst at East Parade Junior a head and two certificated teachers be advertised for in addition to an uncertified teacher, one supplementary and two uncertificated. It was also proposed that the staff from St Mark’s School be transferred en bloc to Denne Road Infants. In time of war the Council was making the best use of teaching resources. At the same meeting it was also reported that attendance at the schools was low through sickness, with averages being 87.2% and with Victory-road having 90% and the infants only 78.7%.

Interestingly, at Nuthurst where the school was a church school the following note appeared in the Parish Magazine: “Much has been said in the Magazine for November and December about the Government’s requirements for the improvement of our buildings. The Playground and some other items have already been attended to, but the Board of Education is now threatening to withhold the Government Grant for the current year unless the additional scheme for heating is carried out at once.” Mrs. Henderson of Sedgwick Park gave an additional donation of £5. The article goes on to say “The religious education of our children is a matter of such primary and vital importance that the large sacrifices Churchmen in the past have made to provide it, call for no less sacrifice by the churchmen of today to maintain it,” the language obviously drawing on the emotion of the war with the talk of sacrifice. The author then berates the government saying that the “pressure upon the supporters of Church schools throughout the country, which we cannot but regard as unreasonable, is doubtless a heavy strain upon those who, in addition to paying rates for other people’s schools, recognise the duty of safeguarding their own and making further sacrifices on their behalf.” This is using the full panoply of military propaganda, words of duty, safeguarding, further sacrifice, whilst the tone deliberately draws parallels with the soldiers fighting on behalf of plucky Belgium against the unfeeling Germans. The author was very clever and knew what he was doing.

Mention of sacrifice: the Magazine in February records the following: “Killed in Action – On New Year’s Day Pte. A. Watkins was killed in action at the Front. He was the first man from Rusper who laid down his life for his King and Country …For some time he had been one of the postmen and lived in Rusper. …A letter from the Front to Mr. C. Knight, with whom he lodged, says that “he died like a man, doing his duty” At the bottom of the page “FOUR SONS IN KITCHENER’S ARMY – We congratulate Mrs. Denniston on the fact that she has given her whole family, her family of four sons, to the service of our King and Country. Mrs. Denniston is proud of the fact, so are her sons, and so are we.”

The 22^nd Battalion which was stationed at Roffey was large enough to issue its own newspaper, the Fortnightly Gazette which, as the editor pointed out, came out monthly. It was written and edited by the soldiers, one of whom, Pte. F. P. Soar was Sales and Business Manager and obtained advertisers from the town, and occasionally from London, who in the main were providers of supplies or services to the Battalion, to offset the cost of the paper which was printed and for sale in Horsham. The Museum has a few copies of the paper from which the following extracts are taken. Most of the paper concerned sporting results, football, golf and athletic meetings as well as rifle club meets with the Horsham Miniature Rifle Club. It also contains excellent cartoons as well as satirical comments and verse. However, it also contains a number of useful and interesting accounts of everyday life at the Camp, and it are these which are set out below.

The 26 April edition contained a portrait of the Mayor of Kingston and an account of how the Regiment was formed. When war started, the Town Hall at Kensington was opened for recruiting purposes for the 13^th (Kensington) Battalion of the London Regiment, then about 600 strong. They were raised quickly to full strength and sent to France. “The Mayor’s next effort was the raising of a second Territorial Battalion to the strength of 1,100 in three days! After which the War Office, not unnaturally suggested a Fusilier Battalion for active service and the result was -us”[98]. The Mayor, William H. Davison, who appointed Major J.A. Innes, gave the following account, explaining that Major Innes was “late of the Rifle Brigade, who had been awarded a D.S.O. for his services with that regiment in the South African War. Colonel Innes, as he then became, commanded the Battalion during the greater part of its period of training, and gave me (the Mayor) most valuable assistance in connection with its equipment, billeting, and hutting….On the transfer of Colonel Innes by the War Office to the command of the Reserve Battalion (the 27^th Royal Fusiliers), Major Barnett Barker assumed command of the 22^nd…”[99] The account goes on to explain why the Kensington should end up near Horsham. The Mayor had managed to raise the troops: he also had to equip them; so he purchased khaki from Harrods and persuaded Messrs Lillywhite, the cricket outfitters, to make various items of equipment, whilst 1,100 razors were bought from Messrs Derry and Toms which turned out to be “hollow ground Kropp”, or German ones. He then had to find a Camp and training ground for them. Colonel Innes hired out land at Roffey “on which I erected a camp on plans approved by the War Office, but considerably improved by the Architect whom I employed, Mr. Frederick Wheeler, FRIBA…”

The Government had hired White City from Mr Kiralfy but the terms were too steep for the Mayor so, having decided to make Roffey his Camp, the Mayor was told he must remove the men out of London at once. “Officers were at once sent to Horsham to arrange for the billeting of the Battalion until such time as the Camp was completed, and at 10.15am on the morning of Tuesday, the 27^th October 1914, the Battalion entrained in two long special trains at Addison road station for their new home in Sussex”.

The Mayor goes on to report that, having contracted the builder to erect the camp, equipped and clothed the men and sorted out the land, the War Office sent him ten closely-printed pages setting out what a camp for 1,100 men would require, down to the last detail. The scale of supplies is surprising; it is included here just to give an indication of the logistics and the nature of the operation. And what was worse, the Government had bought up most of the stocks.

“I had to provide beds, bolster-cases, palliasses, chairs, knives, forks, basins, brushes, tubs, mops, shovels, kitchen utensils-trivets, ladles, baking-dishes, skimmers-equipment for Ablution Rooms, for Drying Rooms, for Guard Rooms, for Orderly Rooms, for sanitary offices, for Quartermaster’s Stores, for Quartermaster’s Offices, for Officers’ Mess, for coal yard, as well as barrows, shovels, weighing machines, etc. etc. and a Recreation establishment with backgammon, chess, dominoes, draughts and solitaire.” [100] The Mayor goes on to say that it was in early March 1915 that the soldiers moved into their new camp from their Horsham billets.

The story of the Camp is told by Greenslade, who writes: “On arrival, we were paraded in the Roffey road, and partnered off for billets. A. B. and C. companies were marched into Horsham, and D. Company found themselves at Roffey. It was nearly Christmas before the battalion had completely shed its mufti, but by degrees the khaki predominated. There were manoeuvres on Plummer’s Plain and Manning’s Heath.” Mrs. Innes would often join them on their route marches.

The author then recounts how the camp settled in, before writing about the camp journal: “Major Christopher Stone, then Lieutenant O.C. Signals, and Lieutenant Murray, were active in putting our first “rag” on the stocks, and it was launched on February 15, under the title “22^nd Battalion Royal Fusiliers’ Fortnightly Gazette” it was in the form of a four-page folder, and was sold at 1d. …The next number (March 1^st) was a much more ambitious production, with cover, and carrying several advertisements …Before the third number was published on March 15, the Battalion were in huts.”[101]

It is now that the story continues, told from the pages of the Gazette held at Horsham Museum.

29 March: the Gazette carried an advert to join the Sussex Volunteer Training Corps (Horsham Company) with enrolment at Orderly Room 2, North Street Horsham and with Bernard Lintott being the Commander. As the paper went to soldiers, why advertise? Because it was also sold in Horsham with the expectation that those interested in military life would buy it, as the text made plain: “If, for any reason, you cannot join the Army, Join Us.” Another advert was for war souvenirs of Fusilier brooches and Royal Sussex brooches at 1/6 and 2/- each from Wakefield’s in Horsham.

However, the most important news was that[102] “On Thursday, the 18^th inst. The official opening of the Y.M.C.A. hut marked a further step in the enterprise of this vast Association to assist in the moral and material welfare of the troops.” At the opening ceremony the Horsham President of the Y.M.C.A., Mr. Duncan Fraser, said “The Y.M.C.A. did not wish, whilst in this hut, to ram religion down men’s throats; they did want, if they could, to help the men not to neglect their higher and spiritual natures.”

Although in the camp the opening of the Hut was the most important, what we find today the most interesting is the account of the Medical doctors. The Detention Hospital opened in late October in the Horsham Workhouse; “the number of out-patients treated to date amounts to 8,260, in-patients treated to date 170, together with home visits 865, some idea of the vast amount of work entailed on the Medical officer and his able assistants can be understood. Besides the ordinary routine work 2,250 inoculations have been done and 940 vaccinations performed.”[103] Which for 1,100 soldiers suggests that the troops were not that medically fit. This might also suggest why the Gazette carried accounts on basic health and hygiene, including one on dental and oral care. This would very much fit in with the general state of health of the British population as mentioned above.

“On Thursday week last great excitement prevailed in the Camp when it became known that the Kaiser had kindly promised to give a nocturnal display with his latest Zeppelin fleet. The whole battalion turned out about 11 p.m. in full drill order to honour the occasion, and ball cartridges were issued to each man in order to give them a hearty welcome. Unfortunately, they missed their way in the dark, and the proposed visit had to be abandoned. Up to the time of going to press no apology has been received from the Kaiser, which is beastly bad form on his part”[104]. In fact the bombing raid was in Norfolk.

The quality of the huts was questioned with a comment about tar that fell through the roof: “It took quite a long time to convince his fellow boarders that Jess Willard had NOT knocked Jack Johnson into the dreamers bed during the night. It is said that there are only slight traces of tar on the man’s face after scouring it for over a week. However, as the builder said, “It will soon all be through now”[105].

“Since the opening of the YMCA Hut:

14633 letters have been posted in their pillar box;

633 games of billiards played on the one table;

1640 picture postcards of the Huts, &c sold

14500 stamps been sold;

300 books lent from the free library

70 garments mended

56 artistes appeared at our weekly concerts;

20,000 envelopes, note-paper, postcards, given free;

250 Testaments and various booklets presented;

Postal Orders to the value of £70 10s been sold

Scores of fountain pens have been filled, 300 nibs used…”

The magazine then carried an article on the “Power Plant” of the camp which today seems to have been written by the engineer for the engineer, but it shouldn’t be forgotten that the Victorian and Edwardian world admired and respected engineering so the article probably had wide appeal, to both soldiers and those of Horsham, as the plant was installed by Messrs Lintott under the supervision of an Australian Corpl., E. H. Wainwright. “The dynamo generates, at full load, 50 amperes, with a pressure of 205 volts, and the current is conveyed to the switch board, and from there it is distributed by mains to the various lines of huts. It is arranged so that any Company who may be “stop-outs” can be supplied with lights separately, whilst all those who manage to keep respectable hours can snore on and entertain their neighbours. There are about 300 lamps distributed through-out the huts, being either 15 or 25 candle-power. … Another excellent feature of this physical – training abode is the water supply. The Pump House is situated at the bottom of a beautiful valley on one of our Colonel’s farms. The pump is 4½” diameter, and is driven by a 3½-h.p. Hornsby oil engine. Two wells have been sunk 22 feet deep to catch the fresh water from surrounding springs, and 1,650 gallons per hour are pumped to the elevated tank, which holds 6,000 gallons.

The 24 May Gazette continues the theme of health and hygiene with an article on The Health of our Camp: here, the reporter “Doctor Condy” writes about the Medical Officer Dr Fletcher who has an early morning sick parade, before going on to a discussion about sanitation, the responsibility of Sergeant Lamb of “D” Company: “As the saying has it “Women’s work is never done,” and Sergt. Lamb could be included with the fair sex. …the ablution sheds (or wash-houses) and latrines are as perfect as modern sanitation can make them, and are thoroughly disinfected and cleansed every morning. …All camp refuse is burned daily in the incinerator, situated upon the barrack-square, and the residue is afterwards carted to the Horsham destructor. Every hut is thoroughly cleaned throughout daily, and it is part of the duties of Sergt Lamb to accompany the Doctor round every morning and to see that this has been carried out.”

The 7 June edition carried an account of the Farewell Concert on Wednesday evening last “when the elite of Horsham and district gathered together in great numbers. The hall was crowded, evening dress predominating. The majority of the officers of the Battalion were also present.” To mark the occasion a Souvenir number of the Fortnightly Gazette was issued on 26 June. The editorial notes that they will be moving to Chipstone Camp near Mansfield in Nottinghamshire and the single fare to London was over 8 shillings by train, before giving a round-up of the feelings and character of their stay in Horsham. “The sweet peas are just coming on outside the huts, and “E” Company will enjoy their fragrance. We can look back with the kindly eye of memory on many a strenuous day; we have recovered from the Colgate Attack, the Plummers Plain Attack, the Newstead Farm Attack and a score of other epidemics, Springfield Park and Denne Park, the orderly room in East Street, church parades in the Carfax, the first digging field, the long route-marches – we have not forgotten them yet…” The editor concludes his comments by saying that the Gazette “is on all sides admitted to be one of the very best regimental periodicals that the Army has ever seen”. The Gazette also included a few statistics about the YMCA hut which housed the Camp Post Office, noting:

“136,710 letters posted in the pillar box
£160 stamps sold
£969 15s 0d postal orders changed hands
7,000 picture post cards sold
500 bundles washing, mending, &c., done
60,000 cups of coffee made
Writing paper, envelopes, nibs, &c., well over a million sold”

Before noting that the Free Library was popular, with one book alone being lent out over 50 times, but unfortunately not mentioning the title.

On the opposite page are two large adverts: one for Geo. Apedaile, Contractors to 22^nd Bat. Royal Fusiliers, who were athletic outfitters and sole agents for “aertex cellular underwear”. However, the other advert is for Fountains Auto-Carriage Works, 32, 34 & 36 North Street, who “Although still busy on Limbered Wagons G S Mark 1.L. and Mark II. L for War Office” also had for sale: “Among other Second-hand Cars we can offer is:-

1912 12-h.p. Rover, two-seater, with dickey at back for two people. Silent Knight two-cylinder engine, all accessories, lamps, spare wheel &c. Kamac hood and adjustable screen. Price New, £350. Now Offering at £175, or offer.”

What, however, might be of more interest is the account of the cookhouse which was under the control of Master-Cook Sergt. Fowles, who was interviewed by the editor: “With some dignity he said “we cook for 1,240 men”. With apologies I admitted that I had forgotten that “E” Company have now grown old enough to be fed….and then I glanced at the heroes who were wasting away in the heat of the eight large double-oven coppers. I understand that each of those 16 fires consumes a hundred weight of coal per day, and the cooks have to work in a temperature of 128 degrees…The men work in two shifts – 4.am to 3.30pm., and 6.30 a.m. to 6.30 p.m.” The editor then asked how they got such good fare, above the Government standard which was for each man per day: “2 oz of bacon, ½ oz of tea, 1lb of bread, 1lb of meat, 2oz of sugar, pepper, salt and mustard. This makes a foundation on which the structure has to be reared on a messing allowance of 5½d per day per man.” The account then describes Sergt. Fowles’ background “with an experience of the Great Central Hotel in Marylebone Road W., and other London and Provincial Hotels…” He then gives a few statistics: “Every day 1,200lbs of meat is cooked for our dinners. We consume 45 stones of potatoes, 3cwt of rhubarb, 50 quarts of milk (plus 120 quarts for custard) 1cwt of jam, and 1 cwt of oats for porridge”, and as for the Sherry trifle, “280 lbs sponge cake, 63 lbs jam; 30 bottles sherry; 24 tins custard and 100 quarts of milk.”

But the real question to ask is: what effect did the Camp have on Horsham town? The statistics and anecdotes are interesting in their own right, but one can justifiably ask “so what?” The difficulty is that there is no hard information at present to answer that. We can surmise that:

Those who provided supplies and services to the Camp benefited and didn’t make a loss through doing so. There was an expectation that it would be local companies, so adverts were placed in the local paper for tenders, as well as the adverts in the Gazette which itself was printed in Horsham, not in the Camp.

We know from the previous discussion on billeting that when the troops originally came to Horsham they stayed with residents who were making a profit (eventually, Horsham people would argue).

We know from the range and diversity of posters that the 22^nd Royal Fusiliers became part of the culture of Horsham. Or, rather, the culture of Horsham expanded in order to provide services and activities, from football to concerts.

However, the greatest impact is probably the most difficult to quantify, so the following is given just to raise the issue and let others track down the answer:

Roffey camp had 1,250 young men who came from London. What they offered was glamorous enough for some local recruits to join, so they had something, which we could call “the exotic” about them; they were different, and difference is appealing especially to other young. Horsham itself had just lost a number of fit active men who joined up; there was probably not a direct match, i.e. 1,250 Horsham volunteers and 1,250 replacements from London, so Horsham probably had more young men on the streets than before the War.

Horsham itself had a population of around 10,000, so 1 in 10 were now Londoners, people who spoke differently, who thought differently, whose expectations and background were different, a culture that was different. A heady mix. How heady is a good question; however, the authorities were worried enough by it to restrict opening hours of the pubs in Horsham and near the camp.

Perhaps the medical records of illegitimate births might reveal an answer, but society hushed up such events. Perhaps the local paper might give a clue, but if you believe that there was apparently no sign of increased criminal activity, yet were these 1,250 men all innocents abroad?

All I would say is that the impact of the camp on Horsham and of soldiers who were billeted on Horsham families was probably a lot more subtle and longer-lasting than any of the money raised through the provision of services. For although Horsham people visited London, when they did they very rarely went beyond the superficial: to see a show, buy produce. But now Londoners came and stayed with families, entering into dialogues on a daily basis, so Horsham could experience at a deeper level a taste of the “other”, whilst those Londoners who came to Horsham saw the same. Town and Country mixed.

One type of venue that probably benefited from the camp was the cinema, for the cinema was alcohol-free and therefore attractive to authorities. They would also show patriotic films, so continue building morale, entertaining and informing both civilian and troops alike. Some films such as The Battle of the Somme, were released by the War Office only weeks after the start of the campaign in 1916. In Horsham the Central Picture Hall would by 1916 promote itself as “the Noted House for Best Pictures”. However, it didn’t have it all its own way as the Carfax Electric Theatre in 1917 bought No. 28 Carfax, Walter Oldershaw’s outfitters shop, next to the pub and directly in front of the auditorium which it then converted into an entrance. This and other improvements saw the theatre renamed Carfax Theatre, with a grand opening by Belloc. Obviously in time of war there was money and profit to be made, even though in 1916 War Tax caused ticket prices at the Central Hall rise to 4d, 5d, 7d, and 11d. By 1918 plans were submitted for complete reconstruction of the Central Hall, but they didn‘t come into effect till 1919. By now cinema-going was part of everyday life, no longer the novelty it had been only eight years previously[106].

The weather for Horsham in 1915 was bad enough to receive a number of comments in the local paper. On 22 January 1915 snow fell from 7.30 am till dusk, producing over a foot, and as a result telegraph and telephone lines were down. This was followed by a severe frost, some 14 degrees recorded by Mr Padwick in the Manor House. The County Times wrote that “It seems quite likely that one has to go back to the seventies for weather to equal that just experienced”, meaning the 1870s. Though there was one redeeming feature: there was no wind to cause drifting of the snow; that occurred later in the year when England was hit by severe gales that wreaked havoc. Then the storm reached its height at Horsham soon after 8 o’clock when a number of trees were uprooted including a cedar in the Manor House grounds that was thought to have been planted around 1680, some 20 years after cedars were first introduced into England. A large elm tree in Springfield Park was blown down, obstructing traffic, and electric lights were used to warn people as lanterns could not work in the gale. The “three graces” lost one of their members when the central aspen was uprooted near the footbridge on the southern side of the Arun. The sight was dramatic enough for Bon Marche to issue postcards of the scene.

The Parish Magazine contained various snippets of news that are interesting in themselves as they give a flavour, although only of those events geared to Christian charity, of the town during the year;[107]

For example, in January it was reported that R. Prescott, serving with the B.E.F., sent home to his mother a Prussian Guard’s officer’s helmet from a soldier he had killed in battle to take control of a house; the English had captured the house before and it was Prescott’s job to keep hold of it; the hat was taken from one of the 30 dead Germans in the house, whilst a month later “A Little Nursing home of eight beds has been started for the men of the 4^th (Reserve) Battalion Royal Sussex regiment now in Horsham. Any contribution, however small will be gratefully received by Lady Loder, Leonardslee. Also any gifts in any kind, such as eggs, fish, and fruit, will be very acceptable at Oakwood, Kings Road.

In April it was reported that one of the finials on the west side of St Marks had become loose which needed to be repaired, as well as replacing the finial on the north side which had lain in the church for some time. “The spire of St Mark’s is one of the architectural beauties of Horsham, and is greatly admired not only by residents, but also by our numerous visitors.” By September £100 had been raised partly through a cheque from the Carfax Cinema.

In June it was recorded that as part of the National Egg Collection, “during the last three weeks a box of eggs has been sent each week” to the wounded soldiers at Netley or 2^nd Eastern Hospital at Brighton, and that “since the 4 May 752 eggs had been sent by Miss Allcard (Wimblehurst) who undertakes the final packing before sending them by rail.” Another collection was made at 30 West Street, though the eggs would be sent to Brighton.

In August the anniversary of the War was commemorated by an open-air service at 8.30pm with 4 to 5,000 attendees and with the National Anthem being sung including an additional verse from Australia.

The October magazine reports on the Horsham Flower Mission, which had the unusual task of providing flowers to areas of London, and which in Horsham’s case was Shadwell, Poplar, Blackwall, and Bethnal Green and “one particular school for mentally deficient children in Poplar, which, in the matter of flowers, is greatly indebted to the kindness of the mistresses and girls of Miss French’s School.” the report goes on to say that “I feel sure there must be many more people in this beautiful flower-abounding district, who, if they could only realise the delight which a few flowers afford to our brothers, sisters, and especially the little ones of East London, would rejoice to avail themselves of the privilege of sharing the beauty of their gardens, woods, and fields with them.”

In November St Mary’s celebrated the Jubilee of the Restoration of the Parish Church on Sunday 14, which unfortunately being Temperance Sunday made it impossible to have special offerings, but it was marked in the magazine by reprinting the article from the West Sussex Gazette, which recorded the celebrations marking the re-opening of the Church.

One person who wasn’t around for much of 1915, and a strange gap in the record of noted families assisting with fundraising, was the Millais at Comptons Brow. After all, John G. was an expert shot; a leader of expeditions, yet he was also too old, being 49, so one would have expected his name to appear in the press and or Parish Magazine as an active fundraiser, participant, leader of efforts for the troops abroad or soldiers at home. So, where was he? The answer lies in the autobiographical book published the year after the War, Wanderings and Memories, in which he recounts in some detail his hunting and expeditions up to and including the War years. His wife’s first cousin was Admiral Reginald Hall and with his knowledge of languages and Europe John G Millais became in effect a spy, though more involved with counter-espionage as he was given the rank of lieutenant-commander, so he didn’t exactly blend into the so called neutral community, working for the Royal Naval Secret Service holding the position of British Vice-Consul at Hammerfest in northern Norway. What is difficult to assess from the almost jocular style of Millais’ writings is his impact on the War, for the account contains more on the natural history and animals he hunted than his derring-do in Norway, but that probably reflects more his modesty than actuality as he does hint at some close shaves in his account. Millais stayed in Norway till 1917. John G, as many of the wealthy families of Britain, suffered personal loss when three days before the Armistice his eldest son Geoffrey was shot, dying the following day[108]. He had showed conspicuous bravery at the Front, being strongly recommended for a Victoria Cross, which was probably refused owing to his troops accidently shooting some Portuguese men in their grey coats in the fog, thinking them German.[109]

JOHN G MILLAIS – SPY AND COUNTER-ESPIONAGE

The following is based on Millais’s own account of his activities in Norway, taken from Wanderings and Memories. The full chapter in the book is worth reading as it gives a more rounded and detailed account of his hunts and observations of nature.

“Previous to this visit to Norway I had made some study of the German spy system, as it was necessary to do so concerning certain work which I had undertaken”. Unfortunately, he doesn’t elaborate on what this work was, but as Africa had been, and continued to be, a zone of conflicting imperial aggrandisements between Britain and Germany, it was probably there. Millais then gives an almost caricature account of the German system and spies, saying that the Germans had 60,000 men to help the Intelligence Departments across the globe, and that as the men were invalided soldiers or medically unfit to fight “owing to defective eyesight…it was easy to detect them, because (1) nearly all wore glasses or pince-nez; (2) nearly all carried a German book under their arm to read at dull moments; (3) all, almost without exception, wore German boots and clothes, which are easily recognized by their cut.”[110]

Millais then talks about the German spies in language that mimicked his approach to recording wildlife.

“Early in the war Germany had in neutral countries probably ten spies to our one, but though so numerous….they were not a particularly intelligent body of men. They nearly always hunted in couples, and, apart from the points of recognition I have already enumerated, had a way of standing about aimlessly or whispering in corners much after the manner of spies in the cinematograph”[111].

He then goes on to explain the Norwegian position during the War, the fact that Norway was frightened of the Germans and until 1917 didn’t expect the allies to win, that “nothing was ever done to clear the country of a system which daily produced results highly detrimental to Norwegian interests. These German spies notified (by means of carefully-hidden wireless telegraphy) the advent and departure of all Norwegian and foreign ships, and were responsible for the sinking of a great number of the Norwegian ships. Though the Norwegian Government was well-aware of these activities, it did absolutely nothing to prevent this leakage of news until 1917 when one-third of its whole tonnage (3,000,000) had been destroyed”. The ship owners were happy to claim the insurance and until 1917 the German U Boats treated the crews well, allowing and even helping them to escape. However, when this changed, and the insurance companies refused to pay up, it was only then that the situation was resolved.

Millais then explains how he arrived with Captain Bennett at Christiania in August 1915 when he was met by two German spies who followed them passing on the duty to others as they travelled to Lofodens where the German spy, who made out to be a Russian, was eventually ejected by the locals as he didn’t have a passport. In October they sailed to the mainland where Millais used his previous friendship with a Norwegian to deduce that two fellow passengers were in fact very good German spies (they didn’t fall into Millais’ stereotype.) He managed to give them the slip by giving out misleading information, much to his friend’s confusion as he explained:

“What fool business are you up to now?” quoth my friend when he came up on deck. “Well, it is just this” I replied. “Those fellows are up to no good, and if we go by the Bessheim (ship) we shall probably find ourselves in a mess. I for one am going to Bergen.” Argument is easy with normal creatures, by my friend was about to be married, and so in his case it required some very urgent reasons to make him see the point, but at last he gave in and went south by the slower route.”[112]

It turned out that the boat they were going to travel on was stopped by a German U Boat captain asking for two Englishmen that fitted Millais’ and his friend’s description; not finding them on board he took another Englishman whom they imprisoned for six months in Germany.

In 1916 Millais sailed north to Hammerfest, the most northern town in the world and for seven months in the grip of the arctic winter. “In ordinary times the place is far beyond the ken of the average tourist. But in the year 1916 Hammerfest was of some importance, being the central point of the main cod industry of Norway…Though so small a port, as many as 5,000 oil-driven sea-going fishing boats make Hammerfest their base….Its importance in 1916 was due to the fact that the large food supply furnished by the northern seas was for the most part being collected, and sent through neutral waters to Germany. It is true that at this date we had established a blockade of our chief enemy, but in point of fact before America came in to the war…the numerous back-doors of import and export between Norway, Sweden, Denmark, Holland and Germany were to all intents and purposes open (and used) by neutrals whose sole purpose was not the triumph of Right over Wrong, but personal gain”[113].

He then goes on to explain, showing a perceptiveness and depth of understanding that makes it obvious why he was a suitable choice as a Vice Consular, for he observed and rationalised the observations into a coherent argument, in Wanderings and Memories, how the English view that the Norwegians were solid allies during the War was wrong. The intelligentsia, Army and Navy might be pro-British but “the main population of Norway, settled on an immense coast-line from Arendal in the south to remote Vardo on the Finmark coast of the Polar Sea, were actively or passively pro-German… The reasons for this are quite easily defined. Germany, before the War, had “collared” the greater part of the northern fish industry. She bought nearly the whole of her fish, and her commercial travellers (all speaking Norwegian fluently) travelled everywhere on the coastline and sold their goods. Nearly everything in the shops was German… Moreover, the Germans were paying the Norwegians something like a 600 per cent advance on the price of their fish, whilst we, who only began to buy fish on a large scale in 1916, were offering only something like a 200 per cent advance.”[114]

He then goes on to set the scene, explaining the length of summer time, the number of fishermen (20,000), how the fish are line-caught with 15,000 hooks attached, with small herring bait and the problems with naturally curious walrus, before getting back to the war-time incidents. He arrived on 15May 1916 after a visit to the British Embassy in Christiania and spent most of his days on consular and naval work: “it was only at night in summer time that I was able to go out into the mountains and get some exercise and relaxation in watching the various Arctic birds now arriving on their spring migration.”[115] He then explains that “In this atmosphere of pro-Germanism one had no friends and no-one to talk to. The telephone and telegraph girls were all German spies, and one had to be very careful that all messages were unintelligible to them. When the submarine difficulty began in September, they did not actually refuse to take my messages …but took good care that these messages were never delivered.”[116]

Millais explains that the further north he went, the nature of the Norwegian changed:

“They lounge about, expectorate freely and seem to know little about seamanship, the oil motor having changed all that. They do not even take the trouble to repair their rorton harness, or to caulk their boats – an atmosphere of cheap second-rateness hangs like a pall over everything they do and everything they possess. Their houses and shops are paltry, and filled with cheap German rubbish. There is little life, warmth or colour in their lives or ambitions, and only a rise of half a kroner in the price of cod rouses the smallest enthusiasm. More handsome girls are to be seen in five Minutes in a street in London or Florence than in a year in northern Europe, and severe outdoor life in drab surroundings seems to be the ruin of female charm”[117].

He continues in similar vein for a couple of pages, drawing information from his diary which although amusing tells very little, perhaps deliberately so as his work was secretive. He does let on that he employed the services of a friend called “E” who spied for him on the German spies and movements of U boats, before relating one notable incident:

“On the 10^th September I reported to the Legation in Christiania the arrival off Honningsvaag of the first German submarine, and was told that I was mistaken, and that the boat was an English one proceeding to Archangel. Two days later I reported it again, and knew that my information was correct, as certain Norwegian fishermen whom I asked to inform me of such an event, had both seen and talked to the crews on board… Again I was told not to send incorrect messages. Four days later, the 16^th, two Norwegian ships…were sunk off Honningsvaag, and our troubles began. From this date until December 1^st, when it became impossible for U boats to operate, some five German submarines continued to sink Norwegian ships almost daily between Honningsvaag and the Murman coast”.

The Russians who were supposedly defending the coast, didn’t, and the Russian captain, who said he had sunk two U boats, didn’t: they resurfaced the same evening, but it didn’t stop the English press praising him and him receiving medals and decorations.

Millais describes how the Norwegian captains, if they had asked him for information, could have avoided disaster; but didn’t, happily accepting the insurance money, “for they well knew that the Germans would in every case safeguard the crews, even in most instances towing the ship boats close to the coast after sinking the vessels.” However, crews from their enemies were treated differently without care. “English, American or Romanians crews were simply cast off in their boats in the Polar sea at night….” Millais then lists the seven ships that were lost and the English, American and Romanian crews he helped from, 2 to 26 October alone.

After 1 December, Millais turned south, as the German U boats could no longer hunt, to Bergen where on his return he found the town full of Germans. He had been informed by a friendly German-Norwegian merchant that the Germans were out to capture him for what happened last year. However, Millais avoided capture with the help of the harbourmaster and returned to Newcastle.

Christmas 1915 saw Horsham, and all the neighbouring villages, gear themselves up to send comforts to the troops either personally or generally. In return the troops avidly wrote back and over the month of January and February the Parish Magazine was full of reprinted thank you letters. In Roffey the Camp was now housing Canadians as well other soldiers, and under the auspices of the Young Men’s Christian Association, tea and entertainment was laid on in their hut. The County Times duly reported the occasion and in doing so revealed that the hut was being extended by 50 feet as it was so popular. This was followed in the January editions of the paper by appeals to raise funds to build huts for the comfort of the troops, on a national scale. The national campaign was wanting to raise £250,000 and it was this campaign that received the support of Charles Rowland, Chairman of Horsham Urban District Council, and a week later he suggested that those subscribing to the national campaign “will, should they so desire, earmark a portion to the Roffey Camp Fund” to build their hut.

WILLIAM ALBERY’S DIARY NOTES

1 FEBRUARY 1915 to 14 SEPTEMBER 1916

The following has been copied from a notebook found among William Albery’s papers in the Horsham Museum Archive.[118]

1915

February 1st

In anticipation of Zeppelin raid, lights of all kinds ordered to be out between 5pm and 7.30am Tuesday and Wednesday Jan(uar)y 26 and 27th.

Feb(ruary) 9 Mr Brassington buried.

Feb(ruary) 24th 6,000 soldiers (Yorks Regt) through, 5,000 more tomorrow. Town swarms with them guns & baggage in Old Padwick’s Meadow. Old Padwick (87) went down and found the gate open, shut it. Soldier or guard “Hi, you must not shut that gate” opens it again. Pad(wick): be damned my gate and I will have it shut, shuts it again. Soldier I tell you I’ve orders to open it and keep it open. Old Padwick well open it again then.

April 15th 9.30 pm The camp Roffey of the Royal Fusiliers were notified of a hostile airship seen in the channel and coming in the direction of Horsham. Col. Innes being away, Capt Clifford blew the call for NCO’s gave orders to those to call all the men out. Each man was served out with 10 rounds of ball ammunition. Nothing was seen lights to be out in 5 minutes so the men went and laid in their kit, pickets being out keeping a sharp look out.

16th and 17th to 20th

South side of West Street up for underground telephone wires.

20th Detachment of about (200) mounted cyclists up West Street, singing “Hullowa, Hullowa, here we are again” Arrival of Battery of RFA Artillery*. Great number mounts Michel old brewery. from Scotland 58. Foreign Service men 2/4 Sussex sent to Newhaven Wednes(day) 21st to join 4 Sussex. Remainder of 2/4 RSR went to Newhaven in two batches.

Sat April 24th. Fusilier 84 days in Wandsworth gaol for desertion.

April 30 Report reaching Horsham 11.30 that a Zeppelin approaching Sussex. Civil guard assembled at Police Station immediately. Electric light off at station.

May 3rd First Meeting of “Horsham Women’s Emergency Corps” for War service, in top long loft at West Street Brewery; subjects first aid, camp cooking, signalling, drilling, sanitation, transport, about 100 present. about this time or earlier, “Poplars Farm” Depot Road, glorified into “Ayshe Court”. Mrs Stacey occupant.

June – Mansfield, Nottingham 29 Arrival of the 4th Division of the 20,000 passing through to Aldershot; leaving

Wednesday morning.25th or so Regilded weather cock replaced in position on St Mark’s Steeple by Dr Kinneir, Churchwarden.

July (22) Ralph Russell and Miss Attwater married

Aug 9 Departure of 3/4 Batt RSR (over 300) to Virginia Water. T Stedman buried.

* Proposition to close shops from 1 – 2 daily is defeated.

Aug 26 Large company of Army Service Corps (Mules 6 to each wagon) passing through to Aldershot News of the 4th Sussex Terriers engagement in Dardanelles with enemy.

Sep 12 Report of death of A. H. Agate, reaches Horsham in Dardanelles. confirmed. Also Wm, youngest son late W. Sendall. Ditto.

25 Horsham Yeomanry depart from Canterbury to somewhere in France.

Oct 1 Report of death in action of Lieut Arch. Bostock (3rd son of Dr Bostock). Confirmed

2. Big military display and recruiting project arranged this day in Hurst’s Park unable to take place on a/c of wet weather: the only thing done being Band of (own) marching round Town.*Teas for 100 laid in various houses and halls. * playing “Sussex by the Sea”.

9. Public funeral of Private Eason, first Horsham man killed in France to be brought home to be buried. Bugles of Fusiliers, Town Council & many Horsham people following to Hills cemetery.

13 Concert on bandstand by Recreation Band, proceeds to go to fund for sending comforts to Horsham men abroad in the War. During interval Major A Frazer (recruiting Officer) gave medal to Private Charman (also iron cross from Czar) for conspicuous bravery in rescuing comrades on field of battle. Appeals to young men to join by Lieutenant ……………and Private Charman.

Band playing “For he is a jolly good fellow” & large crowd following in.

15th About 70 monster motor army vans go down West Street unloaded. Destination unknown.

21st Ditto about 45..

November 1

Bugle Band of Fusiliers parade town in rain escorting new batch of recruits in civilian attire.

3 Liberal offices in West Street opened for Lord Derby’s Recruiting agents.

7. Volunteer body guard church parade & march round town in full dress headed by Town Band.

8th First batch of recruits in civilian attire paraded round town headed by Boys Life Brigade bugle band.

9th Departure of remaining Fusiliers from Roffey Camp to Oxford.

26 Burial at Hills Cemetery of Pte Alf Mitchell, Park Terrace W with military honours. 100 of 2/4th RS Regt following. Band playing Chopin’s funeral march. Drum draped in black.

Dec 3 about 100 of Devon cycling (military) corp arrive to stay the night from Reading on to Canterbury.

6 House to house visitation of delegates from different temperance bodies to get signatures of folks promising to abstain from drink as (beverages) during the war.

Arrival Sunday Dec 5 10.30 250 Canadian from Prince Albert Isle to Roffey camp.

1916

Jan(uar)y 6 presentation of Russian Cross to Private Charman at Town Hall by Town

Councillors &c.

7th Burial of a Canadian soldier from Roffey Camp at Hills Cemetery.

Feb 2 Rifle Brigade formed in Horsham 1800 in Depot Road. Soldier told Mr Browning, called Experimental Corps of Riflemen. Fought first battle 25 August, Battle of Toulouse.

March 4 Burial (Military funeral) of Hewett (?) at Hills Cemetery, drowned in ship torpedoed by enemy off Malta.

May 18 20 or 30 sidecars (armed) & 8 trolleys up West Street 28th Batt off.

May 6 1917 Notice resp(ect)ing shortages for food read in church/chapel.

July 11th Mr Chas Godman in shop told me he heard bombardment in Flanders incessant all day, shook the doors of his house at Woldringfold.

Sept 14 Hear Portuguese Rank and file arrived.

Sept 16 See many Portuguese soldiers in street, strong looking men.

Sat Sept 29 See shell bursting in sky South London way from back bedroom window and hear afterwards at Croydon. Many Portuguese soldiers in shop all appear very well conducted men, good manner and disposition, though some close fisted very pleasant men.

Oct 30 I hear Portuguese going away, Yankees coming.

1916 – Now everyone is involved.

The arrival of the Canadians in Horsham saw the publication of what must be one of the oddest posters in the Museum’s collection, a Baseball match which was held on 5 July. As the poster proclaimed, “Base Ball A professional Base Ball Match between the 165^th v 167^th Canadian Siege Batteries”, held not at Roffey camp, but on the football ground, Brighton road. Unfortunately the County Times didn’t cover the game.[119]

Other posters produced during the year included one for “Road service in France Men accustomed to road work or general pick and shovel work are urgently required for road service in France”; information about pay and allowances were available from the County surveyor, Mr. H. W. Bowen, who was still based at Horsham.[120] Although the County Council had bought Westgate House, West Street Chichester as its new offices in 1916, due to the War it didn’t move in until 1922 and Mr. Thornely, Clerk of the County Council, continued to reside at Horsham[121], continuing the split town administration of County Council services which existed before the War, though inefficient. This continued to give Horsham a “County Town” status.

Probably one of the most alarming posters was that issued by the Horsham Urban District Council, the “Public Health (Measles and German Measles) Regulations, 1915 Compulsory notification of Measles”, suggesting that the illness was prevalent or likely to occur. Every case or suspected case had to be notified to Dr Stanley Child, Medical Officer of Health, Slinfold. Not all posters, though, were so serious. In August of that year the Anchor Hotel promoted the re-opening of its Billiard room with a match to be held on the 3^rd. The very next day, 4 August, posters promoted a Public Meeting in the Carfax with the proposed resolution approved by the Prime Minister, “Declaring inflexible determination to continue the struggle to a victorious end.”, with the meeting conducted from the balcony of the London, County & Westminster Bank Buildings. It was a meeting to mark the second anniversary of the War.

The poster also noted that the Horsham Town Band and the Horsham Recreation Silver Band would play. The reason for both bands playing was simple, as the card printed in 1915 showed; 22 members of the Recreation Silver Band had joined the services as they appeared on the Roll of Honour, though one band member, R. Green, was rejected. In an article published in West Sussex County Times for 21 January 1922 written by William Albery he states that the War “played havoc with the membership…upon my return from the army in 1917 I again undertook the conductorship of the Band, which was now reduced to the original number of only nine players”[122]. In effect, during the War, both bands worked together as one, though retaining separate identities; the roll of honour, though, was published to show that the band members didn’t shirk their duty, as much for the future as for the present.

The Parish Magazine in January recorded the Church of England Temperance Society’s Annual Tea and Public meeting held on 18 December. Although in itself the event wasn’t that notable, the talk given by Mr. Paget is interesting as it reveals what some people thought about drink and war. Mr. Paget argued that “It is impossible …to separate War and Temperance, they seemed inseparably bound together…one, the greatest War in all history, the other an internal struggle in each nation ….Intemperance. …France had not realised the drunken nation she was; it was not often one saw there the visible signs of drunkenness which are seen in England. Nevertheless, at the outbreak of War, whole areas were found to be unable to furnish recruits owing to the havoc wrought by the drinking of Absinthe – men were hardly ever really sober. Now, since France had realised her danger…a new France was being formed. As for Russia, everyone knew what wonders had been accomplished there by the prohibition of vodka, but it must be left to the future historians of the Great War to estimate correctly the effects of this action of the Tsar. It may probably be found that it altered the whole course of the War, saving both Paris and England. Germany reckoned for a slow mobilisation on the part of Russia, as at the Russo-Japanese War, owing to the drunkenness of soldiers; instead of which the mobilisation was completed so quickly that Germany had to turn her attention to the Eastern Front before she expected”. And so on in similar vein.[123]

In February Miss Churchman gave a talk that put a woman’s slant on the important topic of the day, paying for the War. She started by explaining how women had stepped in to do men’s jobs which had attracted the attention, but just as important was the “keeping the home going, and of bringing up a strong, healthy race, to take the place of those men who had given up their lives”. This element of the talk suggests overtones that border on the excesses of science fiction, but that some twenty years later in Germany would manifest itself in the Nazi movement, of breeding soldiers, a master race. However, within the context of 1916 it also suggests Miss Churchman thought the war would go on for some time; long enough for babies and children to become young men. She also pointed out that the N.S.P.C.C., the Women’s Co-operative Guild and various Local Education Authorities had all reported on young children being better fed and clothed than before the War, putting this down to women spending the separation money as it should be spent: on homes and children. However, that wasn’t the purpose of the talk: it was to promote saving. Miss Churchman pointed out that the government wanted people to save, as Germany was now pinning its hopes on England running out of money to pay for herself and her allies. As she commented:

“There are many people now earning higher wages than ever before, and there are others who have to do with the same as before, with a higher rate of living to contend with. Yet all must economise, for four reasons:-

(1) Because a rainy day will come after the War, and we must prepare for it.

(2) Because the government wants the loan of money to carry on the War.

(3) Because the Government cannot spare the men and women to make unnecessary goods for us.

(4) Because so many of these unnecessary goods come from abroad, and we must avoid as much as possible sending the money out of the country.

When marketing, house-keepers must choose the cheap kinds of food. For instance, margarine or dripping must take place of butter, less sugar must be eaten and all sweets given up, as this is the most expensive form in which sugar can be eaten.

Much less meat must be bought. Plenty of dishes containing haricot beans, peas, lentils, and cheese can be made instead. Bread eaten stale goes farther. We could reduce the consumption of tea to what it was ten years ago we should save 28 million pounds of tea a year.” She ended the talk by saying that the qualities shown now will help rebuild the country after the War; the promise and expectation that women will have a greater role in governance after the War[124].

Another perspective on the war effort was shown later on in 1916 when one of the champions of women’s suffrage, Miss Sylvia Pankhurst, came to Horsham to promote the repeal of conscription. The account below gives a full flavour of the hostility to the speaker and her cause, a cause in which some in Horsham engaged in, as there was a group calling itself ‘“The Horsham Council Against Conscription”. Unfortunately we have no records of the group, and probably after the War the desire to keep records of such a group wasn’t uppermost in people’s minds, if at all.

A CARFAX DEMONSTRATION

SPEAKERS PELTED[125]

Protected by about a score of policemen, with others in reserve, Miss Sylvia Pankhurst, Mr W. W. Kensett (Hon Secretary to “the Horsham Council against conscription”) and Mr Alec Gossip, Secretary of the Furnishing Trades Union held what the handbills and posters styled “a demonstration in favour of the repeal of the Military Service Acts” in the Carfax last evening. There was a vast crowd, good humoured, but sufficiently hostile to render the meeting abortive and speaker inaudible. Miss Sylvia Pankhurst arrived on the scene (in company with the Misses Kensett) carrying a bundle of newspapers. Mr Gossip, who was announced to preside, opened the meeting in dumb show, and then the lady speaker fluently addressed the crowds, but could only be heard within a narrow circle. For the most part the rotten oranges and lemons, tufts of grass, cabbage &c &c were badly aimed, but all too soon her white straw hat was dirtied and presently a nasty whack on the forehead stopped the flow of speech. At times the crowd cheered, either to thoroughly drown the remarks or to kindly give needful rest. Then there was booing and hooting, varied with the singing of “Rule Britannia.” And all the while, now ebbing and now flowing came a gentle stream of missiles into the circle, the general public often getting the benefit. No wonder Mr. Kensett persisted in a permanent smile. At 8.35 there was an ugly rush, and the impromptu platform and speakers were overturned. However the police came to the rescue and Miss Pankhurst, who also had the support of Mr E. E. Lawrence J.P., and Mr. Townsend, came through unscathed. The constabulary charged back and widened the circle, and then Mr. Kensett, all smiles, spoke briefly. At 8.40 the meeting broke up. Some of the policemen escorted Mr. Kensett southwards to East Street, but the bulk of the vast crowd followed Sgt. Wareham and several constables in the opposite direction. They had charge of the lady. In the upper and wider part of North street, where there was an ample supply of “ammunition” loosened by the recent rain, tufts of grass of varying sizes and weights were thrown, and the scene was a lively one. Near the upper entrance to Horsham Park a cab met the fugitive. She was hurried into the vehicle, which turned, and, with a policeman on the box, went off at full speed, followed by nimble pedestrians anxious to “keep the pot boiling”. To their chagrin the “cabby” eventually whipped up over the railway bridge. Apparently, the chief demonstrator was not booking from Horsham station. She was certainly favoured. Not only were the police in remarkably strong force, but Horsham for last night only had been placed “out of bounds” to those in Roffey Camp.

As mentioned previously in the discussion about Scawen Blunt, the Arab question was also an important issue. The greatest post-war popular manifestation of the conflict, but not really the question, was the creation of the heroic icon, Lawrence of Arabia, particularly after the Oscar-winning film. However, that is over 40 years in the future; back in 1916 and the War, the question was over the Muslim involvement. In May tickets were being sold for a lecture on “Baghdad – the plot that failed”, by Rev. Parfit who had lived in Mesopotamia for 10 years as Canon of the English Cathedral. He opened the only British school in the region. “He enjoyed unique opportunities of observing the progress of the Baghdad railway and the many other German schemes which precipitated the War and culminated in Turkey‘s alliance with the Central Powers….His description of Turkey’s submission to German domination of the Kaiser’s criminal plot against civilization by an attempt to arouse a Moslem Jehad (sic) is of thrilling interest and provides an illuminating exposition of the true issues of the great world war.”[126]

In 1916 Henry Padwick Jnr. died, the owner of The Manor House in the Causeway, whose death was covered in the obituary notices in The County Times. The notices didn’t, however, note his contribution to Horsham photography, for he, as later research would show, was one of the first people in the town to take photographs including images of St Mary’s before its extensive renovation. His death brought onto the market The Manor House in September that year, though it wasn’t till 1919 that the House was bought and turned into a Prep. School.

15 April 1916

DEATH OF MR HENRY PADWICK, J.P.

NEARLY FIFTY THREE YEARS A MAGISTRATE

A LOSS TO HORSHAM

After a few days illness, Mr Henry Padwick, J.P., passed away at the Manor House, Horsham at about 8.30 on Tuesday evening, succumbing to bronchitis following upon a cold. His great age, for he was 87 last October, had latterly enfeebled him considerably, but he was able to get about as recently as last week, and died, as he wished, literally “in harness”. His familiar figure will be sadly missed in the town, where he had gained the esteem and affection of all who knew him.

The only son of Mr Henry Padwick, of Manor House, Horsham, a solicitor practicing in London, a Deputy Lieutenant of the County of Sussex, and a J.P. for Middlesex, Mr Padwick was born on 1^st October 1828 at Richmond House, Horsham, the corner block of premises which have for many years been occupied as offices by Messrs. King and Chasemore. He went to Mr Procter’s school at Brighton and was afterwards coached in Classics by the late Canon Hodgson, the then Vicar of Horsham, until he entered Brasenose College, Oxford, where in 1850 he graduated M.A. Four years later he was called to the Bar in the Inner Temple, but he never practised his profession. In 1861 he married Eleanor, the only child and heiress of the late C. Chevall Tooke, Barrister of Hurst-on Clays, by whom he had six sons, five of whom survive, Mr Henry Charles Padwick, Mr Francis George Padwick, Mr Edward Douglas Padwick, Mr John Cayley Padwick and Mr Phillip Hugh Padwick. In 1909 the fourth son, Mr Arthur Padwick, died of enteric fever in Ceylon. Mr Padwick and his wife celebrated their golden wedding in 1911.

He was a wide reader in several languages, and his farm at Broadbridge Heath engaged much of his attention, and even in his advancing years was a keen cyclist.

He took over a market garden business from his uncle which he carried on for some 30 years, which proved to be exceedingly profitable. He purchased The Hermitage at East Grinstead. On the death of his mother while he was living at East Grinstead, Mr Padwick had the Manor House at Horsham considerably enlarged and improved. The Manor House had been in his family since 1855.

Mr Padwick was commissioned as a Justice of the Peace on 22nd October 1863. It was chiefly as a magistrate that Mr Padwick came to be so widely known and esteemed. On 22nd October 1913 he celebrated his 50^th anniversary as a Justice of the Peace and this historic local anniversary was marked by the presentation to him of a congratulatory address signed by his brother Magistrates and by the Clerk to the Justices, Mr Alfred W Rawlinson.

He founded the Volunteer Corps, known as the 7^th Sussex and joined as a private, rising through the ranks to Captain. He was a keen cricketer in his youth and was top scorer in a County Team against an all England X1.

Mr Padwick was Lord of the Manor of Hewells, a lordship limited to the trees growing in the Causeway. Among other benefactions he gave the land for the Parish Room.

The funeral will take place at the Parish Church this afternoon at 2 pm with interment at the Denne Road Cemetery.

22^nd April 1916

MR H PADWICK. J.P.

STRIKING TRIBUTES AT THE PETTY SESSIONS

JUSTICE TEMPERED WITH MERCY

There were tributes paid to Mr. Padwick before the commencement of the Court business on Saturday morning by Dr. Bostock, Mr. Rigg and Mr. Rawlison.

Dr. Bostock said that Mr. Padwick was a great studier of human nature, and was always able to mete out his justice with a great deal of mercy. He showed intense kindness and love towards everybody. Everything he did was characterised by intense love, honesty and uprightness of character.

Mr Rigg said that he was a many sided man who took an interest in everything. He was always humourous, never malicious. He lived here all his life, he knew about everything and everybody and an hour spent in his society was an hour to remember. We have indeed lost a very dear friend and I shall always look back to the hours I spent in his company as some of the best and most illuminating of my life.

Mr A. Rawlinson: Mr Padwick has been on the bench for over 50 years and I am proud to say that for over thirty years of that time I have been constantly associated with him in my capacity as clerk to the magistrates. From the very first he showed to me that kindness of heart which has been referred to by Mr Bostock and every consideration and courtesy.

22^nd April 1916

FUNERAL OF MR J.H. PADWICK, J.P.,

A REPRESENTATIVE GATHERING

All classes were represented at the funeral of Mr Henry Padwick on Saturday afternoon, whilst in the town black shutters and drawn blinds testified to the affection and esteem felt by the residents for one who had passed so full of years and honour. The cortege left the Manor House grounds shortly before two o’clock, the coffin, covered by a full length cross of beautiful carnations being borne on a hand bier.

The chief mourners were Mrs H. Padwick (widow), Mr H. C. Padwick, Mr F. G. Padwick, Mr E. D. Padwick and Dr. J. C. Padwick, R.A.M.C., (sons),, Mrs F. G. Padwick and Mrs J. C. Padwick (daughters in law), Miss Joan Padwick (grand-daughter) and Miss Reynolds. His youngest son, P. H. Padwick was prevented from attending by ill health.

The church was packed with many friends and colleagues. It was a plain service without any music, followed by interment at Denne Road Cemetery with the Vicar performing the last sad rights.

On 7 August 1916 there was held, at South Lodge, a Loan Exhibition of Relics of Past and Present Wars, in aid of the British Red Cross Society and the Star and Garter Fund. In 1917 a fully-illustrated and, it has to be said, very high-quality printed catalogue, on thick cartridge paper, with photographs of the exhibition, was published by G. P. Putnam’s Sons; limited to 250 copies, it was obviously intended to have a certain cachet. The exhibition sets out chronologically a history of weapons and is a veritable who’s who of local gentry. One of the more generous lenders was Lady Zouche, who lent weaponry from the Parham collection; a collection which turned out to be fakes. However, what probably interested most people was the collection of recent war souvenirs. As Gaynor Kavanagh showed in her book Museums and the First World War[127], “three forms of special exhibitions emerged, relating to: the war itself, health and hygiene; and the production of food”, going on to write about the war exhibitions: “At the beginning of the war, the public display of munitions and the technology of war in London, and later the provinces (my italics), fed a fascination with military hardware and modern warfare. The public had never before been so close to war and, until its terrible costs began to make themselves plain, its weaponry held an abstract interest…Exhibitions about the war were no means discouraged. As long as the exhibitions followed what was almost an unwritten code of patriotism, neither the voluntary propaganda agencies nor the Government departments would do anything to prevent them.” Later on, as she relates, “In mid-1916, however the mood shifted significantly. The war was no longer primarily about honour and heroism. It was about survival …As the losses increased, so did war weariness, disaffection and dissent.” [128] In many respects the attack on Sylvia Pankhurst mentioned above, and the exhibition, show the last “hurrah” of overt patriotic feeling in Horsham, whilst the catalogue that came out 6 months later may have missed the marketing opportunity, reflecting the previous mood in the town. Having said that, whilst the initial thought on the catalogue was the idea of promoting patriotism and military heritage through the exhibition, the fact that the event and catalogue were to raise funds for the Red Cross suggests that an attempt had been made to marry the two strands together, using military items to help the injured. The catalogue and exhibition may reflect a far more sophisticated approach than immediately apparent.

Warfare frequently led to a step-jump in the development of technology, and World War One saw such a change in the development of aircraft. Whilst the Blitz is a well-known and much-commentated event of World War Two, the threat of air raids on Horsham would initially have been thought unlikely. However, both the Diary of William Albery and the accounts of Roffey camp mention the threat of air raids by Zeppelins, suggesting that there was a sense of general heightened awareness. For the Church this had an unforeseen consequence, when in May it reported the payment of an air raid insurance premium of £40 a year, though later reduced to £20, probably as the threat receded.[129] This put even more strain on Church finances which were operating at a deficit. The impact that air raids had on the public consciousness could be seen in September of this year when the County Times, in reporting a train accident, could start its account with “Horsham was provided with a sensation on Saturday. It was not a case of Zepp wreckage, but of railway wreckage and fortunately involved no loss of life…” It would appear that a train carrying 1,500 sheep for fattening on the Sussex Downs was travelling from Kent to Pulborough in 39 trucks and crashed near Part Terrace West. The accident attracted a large number of spectators.[130]

In October a long-term change was announced: the Mothers Guild would henceforth be called Mothers Union and the first meeting would be in the Town Hall at 3.15 in the afternoon of October 18 for a talk on the responsibilities of mothers to their homes and country. Whilst the Mothers Guild transformed itself into the Mothers Union, as witnessed by the “huge” meeting on the 18th, held not at the Town Hall, but at the larger venue of the King’s Head Assembly Rooms, not all clubs were so successful and in November the Parish Magazine reported that The Horsham Institute for Boys, the old Horsham Institute originally founded for boys and young men, “died of inanition” with the furniture bought for £60 and installed in St Mark’s Schoolroom.[131]

On 11 January 1917 Horsham Urban District Council published notices under the Cultivation of Lands Order, stating that “Before proceeding to take any land for the purpose named the Council desire to ascertain what labour for such cultivation is likely to be available; and they invite applications from persons who are willing to undertake the cultivation of land which can be procured under the Order”. The wording is quite legalistic and one wonders who it is aimed at, but that may well be the legal phraseology the Council had to use. I suspect that councillors were well-aware of their constituents and made sure those that needed to know, knew about this opportunity to become, in effect, tenanted farmers of land taken into “state” ownership for food production. The second part of the notice offers the chance to grow potatoes by “cottagers and holders of allotments” who could buy seed potatoes at cost price. The desire to win the war took on a further dimension as the state took control as never before – the era of “big government” (compared with previous efforts, though not today) had arrived.

Horsham 1917 – the era of Big Government

By 1917 the Government had woken up to the fact it was running a war. Things that had been let slip were taken control of; in effect, the nation diverted all its efforts to win the war. In December 1916 a Ministry of Shipping was created; separate from the Board of Trade. The Merchant fleet was now under state control, whereas previously half the British fleet operating the other side of the globe were untouched. Now that changed; it had to if Britain needed imports to survive to feed itself and the war machine. So now all ocean-going ships were requisitioned, owners worked at a fixed rate of profit and fixed rate charges. Ports were re-organised, allowing for quick turnaround and a massive shipbuilding programme was launched, such that after March 1917 the gross tonnage of ships launched doubled each month and by July of that year the new ships launched overtook those lost through U Boat action. This organised approach spread to planning of distribution; no longer was wheat imported from Australia, but the shorter route of America. By planning imports and production at home the volume of imports reduced by 5 million tons in 1918. This also acted as a spur to home production: private woods were donated to the state with a few thousand lumbermen coming from Canada to fell them, iron ores from Cumberland rather than richer haematite ores from Spain were processed, and domestically there was an increase in allotments to grow produce.

All of this had an impact on the nation and the life in Horsham, but it was more arms-length: it didn’t matter to the labourer if it was Australian or Canadian wheat, as long as they had bread. It was, however, the next element in the planed economy that had a direct impact. In December 1916 Lloyd George, who had shown his organisational skills in sorting out the munitions crisis, took on national planning of food. In that month he set up a Food Controller, followed two months later by a Coal Controller. Now, farmers who were inefficient could be turned off their land and a County War Executive Committee could run it or lease it to tenants. Three million acres of pasture were converted to cereal production.

It was, therefore, in 1917, a year when shortages really began to hit home, that the War meant rationing on a large scale across all areas. Jane Bowen, in her work, identified some of the issues and concerns:

Some dissident Horsham farmers, hitherto rather unco-operative with the authorities, had to be especially requested to work with the plans of the War Agricultural Committee and not to oppose them.

A Horticultural sub-committee scheme for the marketing of surplus fruit and vegetables in the cattle markets of Sussex failed, in Horsham as much as anywhere else, as Parish Councils refused to co-operate.

Relations with central government were strained, as when in August 1918 Lloyd George criticized Lady March as President of the Woman’s War Agricultural committee for not employing women in the Land Army in Sussex, she was so incensed at what she considered an unjustifiable accusation that she resigned.

In 1918, particularly, when war films, meetings and posters were emphasising that the home line of defence was growing food and that it had to be done by women, even a speech in May by Madame Henri Daugebzer, from a wagon decorated with corn in the Carfax, met with little success. Similarly, Professor Dunstane, Principal of the S E Agric. College, Wye, speaking to the National Farmer’s Union in Horsham, emphasized that more effort was needed to get people to realise that there was a war on.[132]

As Jane noted, the “The local paper reduced by mid 1916 to four pages from its pre-war eight, lost all its international news and concentrated almost exclusively on survival. Dealing with advice and information on how best to eke out diminished supplies of food and goods”. Schools were also brought into the war effort, either through collecting foodstuffs or through children being recorded absent because of looking for food. As Jane Bowen found,

“School log books, also, amid a catalogue of infectious disease give the reasons for children’s absence as ‘trying to obtain margarine (All Saints, and notes that their ‘attendance was irregular on account of food shortages’)” Late, Jane would record: “Children played their part at a request of the Board of Education and it was arranged that each of the elementary schools would be allowed time off school for blackberry picking and the crop sent to Richardson’s Jam factory in East Street in 1918…Each school was responsible for an outlying district allotted to it, and the two days out in late September were a bonus for the children – East Parade Boy’s School managed to pick 165lbs on one day alone.”

Another incident that Jane noted was an exhibition held in Horsham in May:

“A Patriotic Economy and Thrift Exhibition at the King’s Head, which ran for three days in May 1917, under County patronage. After an opening ceremony there was a succession of poster displays, lectures and demonstrations each day with mottos like “Extravagance in war time costs blood, the blood of heroes” and “Practice thrift or else you will drift” decorating the walls. Among the speakers were Mrs. Peel, from the Ministry of Food, and a Lady Chance who produced her own vision of the national theme; that the rich should buy meat, milk and vegetables, while leaving the bread for the poor “Those who can afford meat, milk and vegetables should use them in place of bread and thus leave bread for poor people “ (WSCT 19.5.17) Mrs. Price notes that “the poor do not live mainly on bread because they prefer it, but because it is the most nourishing and filling food procurable at the price”.

Against this arrogance and perception was, as Jane noted, the Lucas family slaughtering their famous herd of deer at Warnham Park and turning the land over to agriculture.

In 1917 the Corn Production Act was passed with the central aim of making Britain more self-sufficient. Although this put a strain on manpower, the introduction of American tractors helped. This has an unusual Horsham element, for James Rice decided that just prior to the War, Rice Brothers of Horsham would become the local Ford tractor dealer. During the War, James also became controller of agricultural machinery for the local Agricultural Committee and Worthing Road became a maintenance depot for some of this machinery.[133] In July 1917 the Government finally made skilled agricultural workers exempt from conscription. By the end of the War, 84,000 soldiers worked the land along with 30,000 POWs and 16,000 Women’s Land Army. Fertiliser was in short supply as its key ingredients were the same as those for high explosives, but home-grown wheat production did increase between 1914-17 by 0.7% whereas Germany’s fell by 42.8%. By 1918 the wheat crop was nearly 65% greater than the pre-war average.

There was also a sea change in the way that food was made available, for the government stepped in to stop hoarding and profiteering. In effect it stopped the free market; therefore it had to create something in order for food and supplies to be made available, which led to rationing. The first Public Meals Order was made in December 1916 which restricted the dishes which could be sold in restaurants (two courses midday; three in the evening). There were also “meat-less days” set up and expensive sweets and pastries were prohibited.

At the beginning of 1918 there was an irrational fear of shortages, which led to munitions workers coming off their night shifts to queue for food. This led to the creation of rationing and on 8July rationing based on a points system came into operation. Individuals were registered with a particular shop and received coupons for particular foodstuffs, though as, can be seen below, meat was rationed prior to that in April 1918. By the end of the War 85% of all foodstuffs eaten by the civilian population was bought and sold by the state, which fixed prices and profit margins.

First World War Rationing[134]

Rationing was introduced at different stages for various commodities on both a national and local scale. Below are details of the nationally rationed items:

Sugar – National rationing existed from 31 December 1917 to 29 November 1920.

Butter – National rationing existed from 14 July 1918 to 30 May 1920.

Margarine – National rationing existed from 14 July 1918 to 16 February 1919.

Lard – National rationing existed from 14 July to 16 December 1918.

Butcher’s Meat (Uncooked) – National rationing existed under Meat Scheme from 7 April 1918 and under General Scheme from 14 July 1918 until 15 December 1919.

Bacon and Ham – National rationing existed under Meat Scheme from 7 April and General Scheme from 14 July until 28 July 1918.

Jam – National rationing existed from 2 November 1918 to 15 April 1919.

Tea – This was not rationed nationally but its distribution was controlled by national registration of customers based on 2oz. per head from 14 July to 2 December 1918.

Not only was food rationed but so was, in effect, alcohol by the introduction of various restrictive and reductive measures. This would appeal to Horsham’s strong temperance movement, a movement whose meetings were reported on in both Parish Magazine and County Times. One report, for example, in The Parish Magazine in January 1916 recorded the Church of England Temperance Society’s annual tea and public meeting held on 18December 1915. Although in itself the event wasn’t that notable, the talk given by Mr. Paget is interesting as it reveals what some people thought about drink and war. Mr. Paget argued that “It is impossible …to separate War and Temperance, they seemed inseparably bound together…one, the greatest War in all history, the other an internal struggle in each nation….Intemperance. …France had not realised the drunken nation she was; it was not often one saw there the visible signs of drunkenness which are seen in England. Nevertheless, at the outbreak of War, whole areas were found to be unable to furnish recruits owing to the havoc wrought by the drinking of Absinthe – men were hardly ever really sober. Now, since France had realised her danger…a new France was being formed. As for Russia, everyone knew what wonders had been accomplished there by the prohibition of Vodka, but it must be left to the future historians of the Great War to estimate correctly the effects of this action of the Tsar. It may probably be found that it altered the whole course of the War, saving both Paris and England. Germany reckoned for a slow mobilisation on the part of Russia, as at the Russo-Japanese War, owing to the drunkenness of soldiers; instead of which the mobilisation was completed so quickly that Germany had to turn her attention to the Eastern Front before she expected”, and so on in similar vein[135].

In fact, the effect of the Great War on beer and spirit production was probably greater than the Temperance Movement could have thought possible. This was due in part, as shown previously, to a reduction in pub opening hours in areas where troops were based. This could be granted by Civilian authorities under measures given to them by the State. Other controls included total Sunday closing, spirit-less Saturdays, banning of alcohol sale to under 18s; “chasers” were banned, for example. This saw a massive reduction in beer production from 33 to 19 million barrels per year by 1918 and the beer they produced was weaker; spirits did see an initial rise in 1915, but it too fell by 20 million gallons to 15 million in 1918, which could be a result of increase in duty which in the 1915 Budget doubled, as well as including measures to dilute whiskey, rum and brandy. This saw a marked reduction in prosecutions for drunkenness from 157,000 to 32,000. Horsham, and Britain, was a far more sober nation. [136]

If the nation was concerned about food production it became equally concerned about general health and, importantly, replacing those who had died.[137] A raft of legislation was passed, including in 1915 Care of Mothers and Young Children’s Act which enabled Local Government Boards to set up nurseries with a 50% government grant. The number of health visitors more than doubled from 600 in 1914 to 1,355 in 1918. There also developed the “cult of the baby”, with the state helping out by passing various pieces of legislation promoting and assisting childbirth and childhood. In 1918 many of the individual parts were consolidated into the “The Maternity and Child Welfare Act”.

The development of a more centralised state with war, munitions, food, land and health saw the expansion of a civil service, which rose from under 200,000 in 1914 to nearly 400,000 in 1918 including 150,000 temporary staff. There were twelve new Ministries created, five of which carried on after the War: Labour, Pensions, Air, Health and Transport. The state increased its role in everyday life, and its expenditure went from £184 million in 1913 to £2,696.2 million (total gross) in 1918. War was an expensive business. [138]

So it was that Horsham saw posted up around the town the Urban District Council notice for “Cultivation of Lands Order 1916 Increase of Food Supplies”, issued by the Council on 11 January 1917. The Council decided to step in “to secure the cultivation of all unoccupied land within the district, with the object of increasing food supplies of the country.” However, it wasn’t to be a land grab; far from it. The Council wanted to know what labour was available to cultivate the land they obtained, and to that end it sought applications by 20 January from prospective tenants; not for large acreages but for an allotment “which will be ten rods of land, or thereabout”, a rod being 30¼ square yards[139], developing out of the Small Holdings and Allotments Act 1908.[140] In addition, the poster promoted the planting of seed potatoes as requested by the County War Agricultural Committee, which would provide them at cost price but wanted to know likely demand. Clearly food production was becoming more organised and managed, taking on a national cause where unproductive land was seen as morally wrong and making it productive was a duty.

On 13 January 1917 The County Times, as it did virtually every week, published an account of the West Sussex Appeal Tribunal Horsham and District Cases. It was a year since Conscription had been introduced and the paper was full of reports where people, justifiably, they thought, had reason not to be sent to war.

Mr Percy G. Eager applied on behalf of a Horsham master butcher, 32, single, for a renewal of certificate. The applicant had only one assistant, with two businesses. Five men were serving. Applicant was fit for general service. The Tribunal allowed three months (final).

Mr Eager supported an engineering firm’s appeal for a millwright, turner and fitter, 38, single. The man was engaged with agricultural machinery repairs, and was fit for B1 service. The Agricultural Adviser strongly supported the appeal. Three months.

On the application of the Military Representative the case of a Horsham journalist, 40, was adjourned, to be restored to the list on the application of the Military Representative. It was explained that no applications would be made to a certifying Federation for the release of this man if such release would be in the national interest.

A contracting carman, aged 37, single, of Roffey, applied for further exemption on the ground that he was indispensable for contract work. It was also urged that he was unfit, though passed for general service. Appeal dismissed, but not to be called till the end of February.

Then again, two weeks later, the paper carried the following account:

HORSHAM URBAN TRIBUNAL

Application for Re-hearing

A butcher owning two businesses who had been refused leave to apply again for his manager and slaughterman, applied for re-hearing on the ground of fresh facts. The proprietor, himself, since the refusal, had been given three months final, by the Appeal Tribunal, and pointed out that he would have no one to carry on the business when he went. The slaughterman was 39 years of age. Out of six men this was the only one he had appealed for to enable him to carry on. The Military Representative had said he would give him a substitute but he had not arrived. He had been training that man so that he could go himself. If this man was not given exemption the employer said he would have no alternative but to close down two large businesses and forfeit all. In reply to the Chairman the slaughterman reluctantly said he would stay and carry on if possible all the time the employer was away. Leave was given.

Cycle and Motor Fitter[141]

Motor and cycle agents again applied for the exemption of their motor and cycle fitter, aged 31, single. He was the only cycle mechanic they had left, and all his time was spent on the repair of tradesmen’s cycles and motor cars. They considered that their staff in the motor works was now reduced to a minimum to enable them to carry on with efficiency. Mr Eager said that five men remained out of 58 and this man was blind in one eye. He was the only son left at home, with his widowed mother dependant upon him. One brother serving, who had been missing, was now reported dead. According to an Army Council instruction this man, said Mr Eager, should have been left in class W. Three months exemption.

People who worked in agriculture could also seek exemption; in fact, it was actively encouraged as shown by the following announcement in the County Times:

NATIONAL SERVICE

THE POSITION OF ACTICULTURALISTS[142]

On the 19^th February the Clerk of the West Sussex County Council in a communication to the Clerks of the local authorities in West Sussex in connection with the scheme for National Service Volunteers wrote that it was neither necessary nor desirable for men engaged in agricultural occupations to volunteer. This paragraph was inserted into the circular letter by the National Service Committee as the result of a statement which had recently been made by the President of the Board of Agriculture. In view of subsequent announcements by the Director General of National Service, Mr Thornley telegraphed to both the President of the Board and the Director General on the subject as follows:

“West Sussex County National Service Committee desire to know explicitly from President, Board of Agriculture and Director General National service, after consultation together what steps they are to take as to enrolment for national service of persons engaged in agriculture and ancillary occupations. Similar telegram is being sent to Director General (President Board of Agriculture), County Committee for information of public. Propose to publish this telegram and reply.

The following replies were received:

Persons already engaged in agriculture are invited to offer themselves as National Volunteers in the same way as the other citizens, …They will not, however be transferred to any other occupation than agriculture and will not even be moved from their present place of occupation without assent and approval of Present (sic) of Board of Agriculture or his local representatives….”

It may seem strange to have such a public notice, but with the very public expectation that every able-bodied person would be fighting or volunteering in the National Service, public notices like this had to be displayed so undue pressure was not put on those doing genuinely exempted work, work that was just as important as fighting. What, though, is remarkable about the tribunal reports is that names of those seeking exemption could not be reported, whilst those who were conscientious objectors were only identified after they were found guilty and imprisoned; those who were successful were not mentioned.[143] Clearly, though, conscription was having a serious effect on business and home life: these were not abstract events but real people with real issues that could make businesses fold. It was for this reason that the debate over conscription was so heated two years previously.

CONSCRIPTION – HOW IT CAME ABOUT

In 1915 Kitchener had committed the Government to a 70-division army, doubling the current size, without really exploring all the costs and implications of such a move; a move which in numbers alone could win the War. Such a number was fine and probably achievable if the first flush of wartime enthusiasm continued and the number who were killed dropped. But in both cases that wasn’t to be, and gradually, Kitchener and others realised if they were to achieve this target conscription had to be introduced. By autumn 1915 they started to actively campaign for it, even though it could break the coalition. There was strong opposition to this move: what moral right did the state have? And surely the War was being fought to stop Prussian militarism, and was this not a British version? Also, could Britain afford such an army? The arguments split political parties. In August 1915 a scheme was proposed by Lord Derby that men not yet in the army could “attest” their willingness to join on the understanding that all single men would be taken first; this led to a spate of marriages, up to 19.4 in 1915 compared to 15.7 in 1913 and the all-time low of 13.8 in 1917.

On 20 December 1915 the final report on manpower was published showing that there were 318,533 single and 403,921 married men “actually available” who hadn’t joined up, and out of 2,179,231 single men of military age only 1,150,000 had come forward. On 27 December Lloyd George threatened to resign if conscription didn’t go through; two days later Asquith forced it through the Cabinet – there would be compulsory service for unmarried men and widowers aged 18 to 41. The Labour movement, which had withheld support, fell into line provided that the tribunal scheme which had previously been established by Lord Derby was retained. It was this tribunal that was reported on in the local paper; it had to be so that everyone knew it was fair and above board. The Labour Movement also wanted safeguards for conscientious objectors. The Bill passed the Commons with 403 for and 105 against, becoming law in January 1916. Four months later an Act covering married men would be introduced. Britain as a nation was now fully at war and at a huge cost.[144]

The pressure on manpower eased in April 1917 when on the 4th the United States Senate voted 82 to 6 to enter the War with the possibility of 500,000 men. But by the end of the year, after the Russian Revolution in October 1917, the Germans would no longer face a Russian foe, and devoted their attention to the Western Front.

On 1 February at the site of the Old West Street Brewery in Worthing Road a Great Gift Sale was held in aid of The British Farm’s Red Cross Fund. Nothing too unusual in that: the Fund attempted to raise £1 million, which again at the time of war was an ambitious target. What, though, was unusual was that the items for sale included 1 ton of sugar in 12 lb bags, various livestock, a Mandarin Cloak, valuable old Shakespearian Prints (framed) etc. Although not provable without the catalogue it is almost certain that these prints came from Boydell’s celebrated Shakespearian Gallery[145], issued at a time when Britain was also at war and taking on a patriotic role. According to the Minute book the Museum Society acquired nothing from the Auction, so what happened to the mandarin coat – a theatrical prop perhaps? The auction received a report in the local paper which noted that there were over 1,000 lots of which 120 consisted of 12 lb bags of sugar marked “Mozambique X Sugar”, part of a ton, a gift from Mr J P Hornung of West Grinstead Park who filled the bags at his residence then gave the remaining 800 lbs to the Ladies Committee to dispose of in the villages. Probably, though, the most unusual item was a “platinum girder of Zeppelin L33 brought down over Essex on September 24 1916.”, whilst a donkey was sold and resold 66 times, finally selling for £82 13s 6d. Even before the sale the event was a success, with about £1,200 raised by promises.

On 11 February 1917 a major event occurred within the context of Horsham’s historical record, though probably not within the context of Horsham’s history. On this day the 15^th Duke of Norfolk died. With his death went the last living tie with feudal Horsham, for he originally owned the Town Hall which he sold to the town for a nominal amount. It was his ancestors as shown in Volumes One and Two that dominated large periods of Horsham’s history. Although the Norfolks would undertake the occasional civic function as Lord Lieutenants or as dignitaries in their own right, he was the last Norfolk to lay feudal claim to the Market waste (aka the Carfax). Yet his death saw little coverage in the Horsham press. It was in fact the Tribute given at the Horsham Petty sessions, reported on in the County Times, that drew attention to his death.

TRIBUTE TO THE DUKE OF NORFOLK

Before the business at the Horsham Petty Sessions commenced on Saturday, and whilst all present remained standing as a token of respect, the Chairman (Mr E I Bostock) paid an eloquent tribute to the memory of the late Duke of Norfolk. The magistrates, he thought would like to express their feelings at the great event which had happened in the course of the last few days by the death of the Earl Marshal of England, the Duke of Norfolk. It was very difficult to speak adequately of a character such as his, without perhaps being fulsome. On the other hand one did not want to be deficient in eulogy towards a character which was well worthy of being followed not only by Englishmen, but by the world. The Duke of Norfolk was known to Horsham. He gave them the Town Hall and other things for the benefit of the town. When one thought of his career one thought of the noble patriotism he showed on all occasions. They thought of the magnificent power he held by reason of his great position, and yet combined with that power was a delightful and glorious humility. They could not but admire such a great character, and though personally he knew but little of His Grace, the opportunities he had of observing him and his character made him admire him very much; his character was such as to compel admiration. They had often heard of the nobility of the House of Peers, and on seeing the Duke of Norfolk one felt that in his case at any rate, the word “noble” was most proper, for his character was such a very high one. His kindness to all who came in contact with him, his urbanity, and his sympathy ought to make one love such a man. His loyalty to the Church was well known, he was magnificently loyal to his country, and he gave men an example very difficult to follow. He was a great man, a peer surrounded by the grandeur of a magnificent lineage. He (Mr Bostock) was sure they all felt anxious and desirous in every way to express their sympathy for those who had been left behind. At the same time they could not but be proud that Sussex had produced so noble a character. One could not but be delighted that they had found in him such an example of the greatest patriotism. They all knew how he went off to the Boer war and how hard he worked there. Again, with the great trial the country was now going through he was foremost in his endeavours to assist the Volunteers. He was a great man, and they could not but send from that Court a very [146]sympathetic message to the Duchess and those whom he left behind.

His wife Gwendolen did reprint for private circulation three obituaries: The Times 12^th February, The Daily Telegraph for 13^th February and the Month. In a simple white cloth bound book with the words Sola Virtus Invicta in gothic gold letter on the front. As she said “I have collected these tributes from the press in memory of my husband, especially for his own people of Arundel. …in The Times article his character is likened to Sir Thomas Moore, that great uncompromising Chancellor who made ‘ a sacrifice of his like to his integrity with the same indifference that he maintained in any ordinary circumstance’ (Hume) …from the Daily Telegraph a striking passage bears repetition;

‘We shall miss, however, the true lesson of his life if we do not lay especial stress on the fact that the Duke of Norfolk belonged to that aristocratic class in England which throughout all her annals has done her such yeoman service…He was Elizabethan in his patriotic fervour and zeal, in the adventurous temper of his mind, and also in his intuitive belief in the true functions of a ruling class in the State…’ This is a fine tribute, and, coming as it does from a largely circulated and respected paper, is especially valuable in these days when the upheaval of nations is causing the destruction of so much that was the outcome of experienced and solid statesmanship.”

Why was this? Was it because Horsham had moved on and he was now seen as an irrelevance? Probably not, as Horsham was very deferential as can be seen in all the comments about Civic events. Probably the reason was that Norfolk had invested large amounts of time and money in his northern properties, such as Sheffield University; to building Catholic churches, with Arundel and Norwich, both of which became Cathedrals in the 20^th century, being the most prominent, but also assisting in building Catholic churches in Canada. Closer to home, he also spent time re-organising the family archives which now reside at Arundel Castle. However, in Horsham he will be remembered, if at all, as the Duke who sold Horsham the Town Hall and relinquished his claim to market tolls.[147]

With his death Horsham lost, in the space of three years, some of the most powerful families in Horsham: Eversfield of Denne House who committed suicide in 1915, Henry Padwick Junior who died in 1916[148], and now the Duke of Norfolk in 1917. In the past, less than 50 years previously, the 1860s and 70s, the loss of such prominent people within Horsham in the space of three years would have caused significant disruption to both local governance and the social scene; now, although noted in the paper, their deaths created barely a murmur. Horsham’s civic and structural power had shifted to the professional or wealthy tradesman, not to those who had a title or family wealth. This sea change was revolutionary, but without the revolution; but it was marked by violence – that of the First World War. For the First World War provided a clear break with the past: the changes had gone on subtly without notice, but the War caused people to reflect, and at its conclusion they realised it had happened.

Probably the greatest single notice of this change was that of the monarchy and the restructuring of the honours system that occurred this year. Society was changing and the War showed up this change more than anything else, for the State realised that it could no longer depend on nobility to perform all the tasks required to fight a war but had to rely on the “ordinary man” in the street to undertake extraordinary functions both on the military and domestic field. The old Honours system worked well regarding military prowess; it was, after all, feudal in origin, created for military or quasi-military functions. There was The Most Honourable Order of the Bath which honoured only senior military officers and civil servants; The Most Distinguished Order of St Michael and St George that honoured diplomats; and the Royal Victorian Order honoured those who had personally served the Royal Family. There was nothing to honour those thousands of people who served in numerous non-combatant capacities during the First World War. So a new Order was created, a new Order for a new order (and ordering) of society. The Most Excellent Order of the British Empire, established by King George on 4 June 1917. Originally, the Order included only one division; however, in 1918, soon after its foundation, it was formally divided into Military and Civil Divisions. The Order includes five classes in civil and military divisions; in decreasing order of seniority, these are:

Knight Grand Cross or Dame Grand Cross (GBE)
Knight Commander (KBE) or Dame Commander (DBE)
Commander (CBE)
Officer (OBE)
Member (MBE).

But the order of Chivalry was linked to a German house; a German king, for George’s grandfather was Prince Albert. So a month later on 17 July 1917, a royal proclamation by George V changed the name of his family from that of the ducal name of Saxe-Coburg and Gotha with the house name of Wettin (Prince Albert’s family name) to that of members of the House of Windsor with the personal surname of Windsor. Upon hearing that his cousin George V had changed the name of the British royal house to Windsor, German Emperor William II remarked that he planned to see Shakespeare’s play The Merry Wives of Saxe-Coburg-Gotha.[149] What may also have spurred this move was the abdication of the Czar in March 1917, whose wife was German and had been leading a pro-German lobby in Russia trying to negotiate a peace with Berlin. The abdication, though, didn’t remove the monarchy in Russia: Nicholas II’s brother, Michael, took over;[150] however, the press did report on the pro-German sympathies of the deposed Czarina and the royal connections with George V. This in effect brought to the attention of the public that the King was a German; something that had been subtly removed from the press coverage. The impact of the change from a German family name to an adopted English name was graphically portrayed in Punch which showed the King sweeping German titles into the English channel.

1917 can be seen as a defining moment, the year that Horsham and Britain finally joined the 20^th century, where it wasn’t only titles and land that gained you prestige, but was also service and duty to your fellow man and community; the War brought this home more than any single event and probably consolidated and crystallised this approach. Although no Horsham person was a recipient of the new “Order of the British Empire”, the County Times carried a report of its award, with one prominent locally-known name, a member of the Padwick family, featuring, when the honours were awarded in September 1917.

ORDER OF THE BRITISH EMPIRE

SUSSEX HONOURS[151]

Mr Francis Herbert Padwick. Chairman of the West Sussex County War Committee, and of the West Sussex Farmers Union, is among the first appointments to the new “Order of the British Empire”. As a Commander, Mr Padwick is a Vice President of the Farmers Union, Member of the West Sussex County Council for Westbourn, a member of the West Sussex Education Committee, Chairman of the Westbourne Guardians and a public worker in other ways. His services to organised agriculture have been exceptionally valuable.

Doctor Sidney John Oldacre Dickins, who is Commander and Medical Officer of the British Red Cross Society of Sussex has been made a member of the British Empire for services rendered in connection with the Society. It will be remembered that under his leadership, No 5 detachment Cowfold and Lower Beeding won the Sussex Ambulance Cup in August 1912 presented by the Duchess of Norfolk.

Miss. L. M. Ede, daughter of Mr. & Mrs. Richard Ede, of Church Terrace, Cowfold examiner in the inspection department of the Ministry of Munitions, has been awarded the medal of the Order of the British Empire for valuable service in discovering a concealed defect in certain fuse caps.

In April 1917 a milestone passed in Horsham’s history that has been forgotten: Mr George Lovekin, Horsham’s last gingerbread maker, died aged 83. We know this because in September 1917 Mr C. J. Attree gave Brighton Museum his collection of 10 Gingerbread moulds from Horsham. The reason is not known; Attree had been a Horsham Museum Society member from 1901 and the Museum has his portrait; his wife joined in 1915, so it raises the question of why he gave them to Brighton Museum. The 1918 Annual Report gives no clues either. What was happening to the Museum Society during the war years? Before we explore that, we’ll take a diversion to look at Gingerbread.

The Gingerbread industry was at its height in Horsham about 1866[152]. The modern-day fame of its Horsham manufacture rests with a letter: the first known letter written by Percy Shelley to his aunt, Kate, asking for fairings, gingerbread biscuits[153]. In the note Mr Attree explains that there were three kinds of gingerbread:

Parliament – made without fat, but light treacle was used. A Parliament cutter with crinkled edges was used and they were sold for four a penny.
Toy – also without fat and using light treacle.
Hard – used heavy treacle, lard, a little water and ground ginger and worked very smooth.

Flour and ground ginger were used in all three recipes.

Mr Attree goes on to explain that gingerbread was sold “according to size, some small ones at six a penny”, other large ones, larger than the mould “were sold at a 1/-.” Cutting the bread involved a pallet knife which “cost 3/6 each”, each knife being “eight inches long in the blade and had flat wooden handles” and after each cutting the blade “had to be wiped with a wet cloth”. Before pressing into the mould “very little flour was sprinkled on the wooden blocks”. Dark treacle was “purchased by the hogshead at 1¼ d per lb. “Sugar was bought “by the cwt. at 6d per 1 lb. The packages (of sugar) were wrapped in green papers and weighed 25 lbs each and called “Tiddlers of Sugar”.

A baker called Leader made a halfpenny seed block adding seeds to the dough. Some kinds of gingerbread would (last) for a year, but those made with very thick treacle would (go) soft in damp weather”.

“List of Horsham Gingerbread Makers

Name of maker	Address
William Chatfield	Bishopric
Chatfield*	East Street and West Street
William Hull	West Street
Richardson*	East Street
Leader*	Queen Street
Foreman*	Queen Street
Lovekin#	36 London road
Dendy	Church Causeway
Burstow	Brighton Road and East Street
Ansell	West Street.

(* indicates that moulds exist with their name on them)

(# the last Horsham gingerbread maker)

A note also in the Brighton Museum files states that, in 1903, Miss Emily Chatfield of 24 Park Street, Horsham donated six gingerbread moulds used by Mr. A. B. Chatfield. Five years later, in August/September 1908, she donated a further eight, but by now she had moved to Wimbledon. Brighton Museum then purchased five for 12/6 from E. Holman of 6 Bishopric. Five years later, in 1913, Brighton bought two Horsham moulds from a Mr C. H. Streeter of 7 Union St Brighton for 4/-. Mr Attree, in 1917, made his donation of 10 moulds, and then later in the year he made another donation of nine moulds acquired from Richardson & Company, who were jam manufacturers and sweet makers in East Street. Later on, Mr Attree made another donation: a biscuit mould used by William Hull, Confectioner and Greengrocer of 6 West Street. In total Brighton had 43 moulds for making Gingerbread from Horsham.

So what was happening to Horsham Museum? The Society continued to issue its Annual Reports printed by Price & Co. The note book containing donations is interesting as it shows that Mr Attree continued to give donations to the Society throughout the War. There was obviously no falling-out; perhaps he felt that the best home for the moulds would be Brighton as it had a museum, whereas at this time Horsham Museum consisted of collections held in various homes, lent for the quarterly meetings, as well as a collection of donated items which were held in the Free Christian Church. It is the donated items that generally appear in the note book, though the occasional lent items are recorded. So what was given? Mr Lower in 1914 gave a number of ethnographic items from the Congo, which at that time was part of the Belgian Empire. However, the gift has nothing to do with the Belgian refugees, for Mr Lower was a greengrocer and the gifts were made in February, six months before the War. However, the three animal skulls, six pieces of horn, beak of an African bird, 3 pieces of gum, preserved spider, fishing net and carved African gourd; the last two items still in the Museum’s collections, may have proved interesting to the Belgian refugees who moved to Horsham in 1914. Only one gift was given after the War broke out in 1914: an eyed hawkmoth, and that was in September 1914. At the end of the year the County Times carried the following Report of Museum Society- “arrangements have been made for a more convenient and effective labeling of the articles in the possession of the Society; and it is hoped that by this step the interest of the Exhibitions will be increased”[154].

The Museum’s Society Collecting Policy was that “of educational interest or may be thrown away”, enabling it to acquire a diverse range of items; and the years 1915 to 1918 saw it do just that. In 1915 the largest number of items came from New Guinea: some six items, including a Chief’s headdress. Unfortunately, none of these items given by Mrs Allen can be identified in 2007[155]; however, two items of six given by Col. Jackson could be identified: a pair of Mandarin slippers and a “old type of rifle picked up in Africa during the Boer War”. The most interesting and historically relevant item given was “blade of spade used by Sir Seymour Fitzgerald in cutting the first sod of the railway between Horsham and Brighton. This had been purchased by Mr Stephen Agate at a Sale of Sir Seymour’s property. This was accepted subject to approval from Mr Agate’s family.” This was the corrected note, as the original entry in the Minutes of 16 June states that it was used by Mr Alfred Agate. [156] The blade unfortunately cannot be identified. In 1916 Mr Attree gave the Museum a collection of postcards and photographs; 22 in total, with only two having any relevance to Horsham, though he did give the book “Wheels and Woes or Words of warning to would be velocipedists”, which the Museum still has in 2011. In 1917 most items given were natural history specimens, whilst in 1918 only six items were donated: two from Miss Kensett who would, as seen above, attract some opprobrium in the town as she supported Mrs Sylvia Pankhurst’s anti-war visit.

What is interesting is how little of what was given had any direct relevance to Horsham town’s history. As part of the culture of Horsham it could be argued, for relevance, that the items from Congo were owned by a Horsham person, showing wider cultural horizons than one would expect of a greengrocer and, therefore, very interesting within the context of intellectual history of the town, but that nuanced debate didn’t occur within the Museum and wider world until 50 or more years later; in fact, 90 years later – today, when such ownership does seem remarkable. (Did Mr Lower acquire it through a previous life, pre-greengrocer, or through his trade contacts, and if so, why?, Or was he naturally curious and liked collecting curios, taking advantage of opportunities; or did he collect the items in order to understand Congo society better; or did he acquire them with the intention of giving them to the Museum; if so, why? Why did he think people in Horsham would be interested in seeing items from the Congo? Equally, why did the museum take them in? But in 1914, at this time relevance would be “concrete” in concept; a direct connection, i.e. ownership: but not by an unknown, but by a “worthy”, or through notoriety, or it could illustrate a story, e.g. the spade used to cut the railway turf – here it scored on both points: the ownership and the event. The objects became, or were, symbols of events/places or people. Even today we use such objects, but tend to call them “tourist souvenirs” – mementos of the other – time, place, event.

This aspect of exhibiting the souvenir was also displayed in Horsham when in May 1917 “An exhibition of War Cartoons by the famous Dutch artist, Raemaekers, and of War Souvenirs will be held at 30, West Street,” May 17^th to 20^th “Owners of war souvenirs willing to lend them, are requested to communicate with Miss Daniel”. What is interesting, in light of the comment made about Museum exhibits, is that, in the 1914 Annual Report, museum-style labels were going to be attached with the object, as was noted: “Descriptive labels with the owners name, will be attached to all exhibits” Here you see how the object is given greater meaning – linking it to an individual, thus personalising the War, for those who visited the exhibition might know of the exhibitor and thus draw on that information when viewing the object. For example, if X was owned by Y whose son had died, then item X becomes a memorial to the son and his sacrifice. The display becomes a memorial, and in its own right a souvenir of the war. All profits went to the Horsham War Depot.

Another, later, example, for 3 December 1917, is of an exhibition of wartime items, a fundraising effort for the Y.M.C.A. Hut. Here at the Carfax room, for six days, would be exhibited “A Trench Mortar Captured from the Germans, and many other interesting War Relics.” As the poster noted, “You will be sorry if you don’t see them”. The language is most interesting for the objects are termed “war relics”. “Relics” implies the remains of items from a previous time, e.g. museum relics, which suggests that the War is over, which it so obviously wasn’t. In which case, the word “relic” was probably used in the spiritual, almost religious, sense: the saint’s relics, (either bodily part or parts or belonging to the person). The fact it was a German mortar suggests that, just as in medieval times, spiritual relics, which included the spear that stabbed Christ[157], were used as spiritual items; then this item might take on the role. If you think that this might be far-fetched, before the War spiritualism had taken hold in Britain;[158] this locally saw its culmination in Michelle Fairless’s book The Roadmender, written when she was dying and living at Ashurst; it drew heavily on the spiritual side. The impact of radio waves, x-rays, radiation, things that were there but couldn’t be seen, of unknown “forces”, all contributed to the rich mix. Then, if you add in the deep sense of loss, of grieving, when 5% of those who died never had their bodies recovered, the idea that the mortar could be a direct link to a loved one might explain how some people viewed the mortar and why the word “relic” was used. Equally, the “wow” factor probably came into play for some.

What, however, is also fascinating from the Annual reports of the Museum Society is the membership list, and who joined in what year. The War seems to have acted as a wake-up call for the “great and good” to join the Society, as if it were their Civic duty. They, having been stirred to fundraise and organise charitable works, decided in, what was possibly perceived as patriotic endeavour to join the Museum Society, to protect the things Britain was fighting for. There seems very little other reason to explain why these noted people would join as new members when they did. No-one, literally, no-one, joined in 1914.

Belloc Hilaire, Blunt Wilfrid Scawen, Godman Lieut.-Col. C.B., Godman Major, Godman F. Du. Cane, Millais J G,
Godman, Percy, Lintott, Bernard, Lintott Mrs, Padwick, Henry Charles,
–
Blunden Lieut. E.

As for the AGM reports themselves, they give very little indication of the War. Yes – it is mentioned – but the report is written in a stoical manner so, for example, for 1918 the Report of the Field Committee writes: “Our Annual Excursion on Aug. 2^nd, if it cannot compete in point of numbers with that of the previous year, was yet a memorable one.” Then it goes on to describe a visit to the Watts Gallery in Surrey where the widow of Frederick Watts, the artist, showed them around.

However, the following notice is the most war-relevant “In this year, 1918, we have had, regretfully, to introduce into our program “Bring your own refreshments”. If it were not that by a tacit rule politics and religion are barred subjects, one could borrow words from the latter to adequately describe the former!”[159]

Probably, though, the most interesting of all names in the list of members is that of Lieut. E Blunden, former pupil at Christ’s Hospital, who joined up and wrote some of the greatest war poetry, though today overlooked compared with Wilfred Owen and Sassoon; the irony being that it was Blunden who promoted the poetry of Owen. Obviously, whilst at the Front he couldn’t attend the talks or visits, but obviously wished to retain a link with Horsham and a sense of belonging.

EDMUND BLUNDEN M.C.– WAR POET

AND MEMBER OF HORSHAM MUSEUM SOCIETY

Edmund Charles Blunden was born in London in 1896, moving with his family to Kent shortly afterwards. He was educated at Christ’s Hospital, Horsham and Queen’s College, Oxford. In 1914 he gained a senior Classics scholarship at Queens, but before he took it up he trained as a volunteer with the Royal Sussex Regiment in 1915 when he was 19 years old. In an article “Infantryman Passes By” published in 1968, Blunden recounts his early days.[160]

“IN THE EARLY MONTHS of 1941(sic) I was very little concerned with world affairs, except that my mother used sometimes to caution us under the rubric “when you go out into the world” which we told her meant at the moment the small market town 2 or 3 miles off…In 1914 I had been at this school,…for six years and was on the staircase to the university. Lucky boys could look to Oxford or Cambridge…All the boys- this was a recent ordinance – at quite an early age were required to become members of an officers training corps. This “fine body of men” regularly paraded in accurate khaki uniform and often went afield for sham fights…As the year 1914 wore on, the newspapers in the dayroom made us aware of troubles in Ireland …We had our meals in the great dinning hall…One day my own senior housemaster came in, and as he sat down, with a curious ambiguous look, he said in a quiet way “Well, boys, it looks as though within a month the whole of Europe will be at war…”

Blunden goes on to recount that during the summer he was at home with his parents, his father preparing to defend the home, but nothing came. “The war somehow dodged our observation very annoyingly. Summer holiday’s passed, and great victories went to sleep again, and wearisome new songs drew attention to sewing socks for soldiers or the long way to Tipperary. I was now writing verses with great eagerness, but not often on the war; what was near at hand usually started me off, and a friendly bookseller in Shelley’s old town was so kind as to print a little volume or two for me, which at least kept me from thinking too long about the prospect for those of my age.” Blunden goes on to recall that the “poems by the older generation in periodicals which I came upon were mostly admonitions to us to join the forces at once and be killed with all cheerfulness.” He then explains that boys who were working for university places would, it was decided, complete their courses, so he stayed with his books till the summer 1915. “On a glorious day that August I got out my bicycle for a longish ride across our county to Chichester”, where he signed up to join the Royal Sussex. After being measured for a uniform he had a drink and lunch with the major. A fortnight later he received his commission and £50 to buy his outfit.

In 1916 he, as a temporary 2^nd lieutenant, crossed to France where he took part in some of the worst fighting during the war. With him he carried a copy of Julius Caesar’s de Bello Gallico, Caesar’s account of his war; Blunden decided to write the same, entitling it de Bello Germanico, though he abandoned it. When he did return to it, he changed the title and in effect re-wrote it as The Undertones of War, a work described as “the best war poem”. To give but a flavour of what he referred to as his Trench education:

“The morning when I emerged was high and blue and inspiring, but the landscape somewhat tattered and dingy. I washed ungrudgingly in a biscuit-tin…a walk along the reserve line, explaining as we went the system of sentries and trench duty. At some point in the trench, bones pieced through their shallow burial, and skulls appeared like mushrooms…”Or the more graphic, when recounting the deathof a fellow lance-corporal whom he had just passed making tea “…the shell had burst all wrong. Its butting impression was black and stinking in the parados where three Minutes ago the lance-corporal’s mess-tin was bubbling over a little flame. For him, how could the gobbets of blackening flesh, the earth-wall sotted with blood, with flesh, the eye under the duckboard, the pulpy bone be the only answer? At this moment, while we looked with dreadful fixity at so isolated a horror, the lance-corporal’s brother came round the traverse.” [161]

He served in France and Belgium from 1916 to 1919, fighting on the Somme and at Ypres with all its horrors, and his writing “to try to chronicle the miseries and destructions of the days thus begun would be to invite sleepless nights or insane dreams…”[162]. He was awarded the Military Cross.

In 1920 his collection of poetry The Waggoner was published after he sent a privately-printed collection of verse to the then Literary Editor of The Daily Herald, Siegfried Sassoon. Sassoon had immediately realised Blunden’s abilities and wrote him an encouraging letter, starting a lifelong friendship between the two cricket-playing poets. In 1928 Blunden published his chronicle of the First World War, Undertones of War, which gained him a wide reputation that was further enhanced by his collection The Poems of Edmund Blunden 1914-1930, published in 1930.

“Edmund Blunden is largely underestimated today as a war poet, mainly because of the work of other poets such as Wilfred Owen, Isaac Rosenberg and Siegfried Sassoon…. It is ironic that it was Blunden’s edition of Owen’s poetry (published in 1931) that aroused the public interest in Owen which has never died since. Further irony is to be found in that fact that Blunden took over the editing of Owen’s poems after Siegfried Sassoon found he was still too upset over the death of his friend… Blunden’s own war poems are far more restrained than those of either Owen or Sassoon, but Blunden’s hatred of the War and his grief for the War’s dead was just as intense as that of Owen or Sassoon. Blunden commemorated the dead in (the), Their Very Memory. He also expressed his dismay at the destruction of the French countryside in his poetry….Blunden was also unusual amongst the war poets for acknowledging that even amidst the senseless slaughter there could be, and were, moments of happiness. His poem At Senlis Once is a celebration of a brief interval of rest and refreshment, whilst Concert Party: Busseboom recalls an hour of innocent entertainment”.[163]

In 1946 Blunden published his biography of Shelley, Shelley – a Life Story, which includes an opening chapter describing Horsham. From the description he showed a fondness for the town as well as a very good understanding of Horsham in the 18^th century. Blunden also wrote an unpublished poem in which he describes Cramp’s the Jewellers and a small statue of Shelley in the window. The statue was given to the Museum by Cramp and is now a centrepiece of the Shelley Gallery.

Horsham Museum Society wasn’t the only educational-based organisation that provided talks and visits during the War. Surprisingly, the Workers’ Educational Association was formed in Horsham.[164] Surprising, because it was an organisation that wasn’t created to fundraise for the War. Virtually all other organisations that were founded during this period were time-specific, to achieve the goal linked to the war. Now Horsham had a W.E.A. that was obviously for post-war life: for self, not for others. As the note below mentions, the organisation had been in existence for a year prior to the meeting in July 1917.

WORKERS’ EDUCATIONAL ASSOCIATION

On Tuesday evening members and friends of the above named association to the number of 60 or more assembled in the garden of Causeway House where, through the kindness of Mrs Arnold, a thoroughly enjoyable evening was spent. The night was fine and warm and after a tour around the garden refreshments were served. Then a short musical programme followed. Songs were contributed by Mr & Mrs Winbolt and two violin solos by Miss Fountain. The President (Mr S E Winbolt) followed with a brief address based principally upon the report of the first year’s work which the Council deemed satisfactory despite the difficulties attendant upon the inauguration of a new movement in the midst of the European war. Mr Winbolt considered that in securing between 80 and 90 members they had done well, but he specially urged members to do their best to increase the strength of the association. There must be, he said, many people who would like to join. Then perhaps next year the President would be able to announce a member of 200. We wanted a deeper education and a broader outlook which would be the surest guarantee of democracy making for peace. Bowls and other games followed.”

The WEA was the successor to, in the national scene, the mechanic’s institute, the Working Men’s College, and the University Extension movement, Horsham having University Extension and mechanics institute. However, it was more successful than any of them in bringing higher education to working people. “A self governing, democratic, decentralized organisation, it was supported by trade unions, co-operatives, political groups, (mostly Labour, some Liberal), churches and chapels. It sponsored university summer schools, rural rambles, art exhibitions, training courses for Sunday school teachers, and lectures on topics ranging from Shakespeare and Ruskin to first aid and child care”[165]. The cornerstone of the W.E.A. was the University Tutorial Class, where “university trained lecturers came to working-class communities to teach three year long courses, ostensibly at the university level. With a maximum of thirty-two students, each class met for twenty–four two–hour sessions each year. One hour of lecturing was followed by an hour of discussion, with fortnightly essays assigned. These courses were funded mainly by the universities, the Board of Education, and local educational authorities.”[166]

The question that social and political historians have argued over is the degree to which the W.E.A. ameliorated the working class struggle, to project an educated future to question the doctrines they were being told. As a 1922 Board of Education Inspector noted, “It is almost universally true that the effect upon students who remain in the classes is to make them reconsider their original crude generalisations, to make them aware of the complexity of the social and economic system in which they live, to make them more sceptical; of ready-made nostrums, to introduce an element of cautiousness into their statesmanship”[167].

Now, whether the people in Horsham received that degree of education and intellectual stimulation is open to question; we don’t know from the information to hand. But what we can say is that 90 people considered themselves to be workers and sought identity with others who had similar aspirations and identification. And it probably did help to produce a more educated workforce that took on the leadership of the community when war ended. Unfortunately, we don’t have the data to see what happened in Horsham, but its formation could be one of the important steps in Horsham’s history, for its aim was to create a questioning workforce. In Oxford, out of the 303 students attending the Oxford University Tutorial Classes in 1917-8, 195 were engaged in some form of public work.[168] Education linked to public service might be the greatest contribution that the W.E.A. gave the town of Horsham.

Another sign that the nation was looking to a post-war Britain can be found in the proposed changes to the electoral boundaries of West Sussex. This was part of a wider look at the political and electoral map of Britain. Not only were physical boundaries changed, but so were voting rights and restrictions. The new order of honours, that medieval approach to obligation and reward, was mirrored in the state’s response to the new order of society. In 1916 Asquith had set up the all-party Speaker’s Conference which had initially seeked to address the question of the soldier’s vote: if soldiers were expected to die for their country they should be able to vote. The report that was published was probably more radical than initially thought envisaged by Asquith; after all, conferences are generally established when there is a clear outcome intended. The Report proposed amongst other things:

right to vote for women, something that would have occurred anyhow if the war hadn’t interjected
the granting of adult manhood suffrage
simplification of the registration process
the meeting of candidates’ expenses out of local taxation
the holding of elections on a single day
establishment of controlled postal voting.

There was one other part of the Speaker’s Report that was left to a free vote in the House, which due to political problems didn’t become law; that was abandoning first-past-the-post system (which we have today), with the creation of the Single Transferable Vote which would lead to Proportional Representation, that would operate in larger towns and cities, whilst in the country they would use the Alternative Vote system.[169] There was also the Redistribution Act which was part and parcel of the whole reform process, a process which has given the name 4^th Reform Act[170] to “The Representation of the People Act 1918”. The Act saw the widening of suffrage by abolishing practically all property qualifications for men, and by enfranchising women over 30 who met minimum property qualifications, but women were still not politically equal to men who could vote from the age of 21 (although soldiers could fight at 18, that was still thought too young to vote; women had to wait till 1928 for equality with the Representation of the People Act 1928.[171])

In fact, in June 1918 the paper reported in full on a speech given by Mrs. Lyell regarding the vote for women which was then followed by a number of letters, all showing the debate that was going on in Horsham about constitutional issues – society was negotiating with itself a post-war political future.

WOMEN’S CITIZENSHIP

ADDRESS BY MRS HUDSON LYALL

Mrs Hudson Lyall, an able public speaker and writer who has for several years taken a prominent part in matters of social progress, addressed a meeting of the Mothers’ Union at the Albion Hall on Wednesday afternoon. There was another well attended meeting in the evening in the same building, the Rev E. D. L. Harvey presiding.

Mrs Hudson Lyall spoke of the great expectations aroused by the extension of the franchise but said “whatever power is given to us by the vote there will never be anything so important or so great as the power God gives us as wives and mothers”. She hoped that in the bigger opening they were getting as citizens none of them would forget how important it was to hold womanhood high and take into the public life all that was best in womanhood. Under the new bill six million women were expected to get the vote and another five million men were added to the electorate.

Speaking of three aspects of the vote both from the point of view of men and women, Mrs Hudson Lyall said a great many looked upon the vote as an industrial weapon. Women had suffered in the past because they had not got that industrial weapon.

Secondly there was the social aspect. They should use the vote in matters like housing, infant welfare, care of the mentally deficient, education, housing and all questions with which women could not fail to be greatly concerned.

Then, thirdly, to all Christians this vote was another weapon, another trust (if she might term it so, in all reverence) for helping forward the kingdom of God in our land.

There were 16,000 members of urban councils in England, and only seventeen of them were women They must form citizens associations everywhere, and push forward into public life. There would be no need for them to leave their womanhood behind.

As to the conditions of employment, they required to bring into their relations with their employees more of the human heart than in the past.

They should realise their power as potential voters. There was a probability of a general election before this year was out on the question of carrying on the war until we had won the right kind of peace, and a great responsibility rested on each one of them.

She hoped all Christian folk would work together splendidly to protest against the measure which was being introduced to make easy divorce and easy marriage. It would be the greatest death blow to home life and altogether lower morality.

After a number of questions Miss Churchman proposed the following resolution: “That in the opinion of this meeting it is desirable that a Women’s Citizenship Association be formed for Horsham and that a Committee consisting of the following ladies be appointed to make the necessary arrangements. Mrs Eager, Mrs Fraser, Mrs Hawthorn Jones, Mrs Keatinge, Mrs Penman, Mrs Willis, Misses E. Hodgson, Pollock and Churchman”. Mrs Keatinge seconded and the proposition was carried unanimously.

The Chairman voiced the thanks of the meeting to Mrs Hudson Lyall for her admirable address, and the proceedings closed with the singing of one verse of the National Anthem.

Unfortunately, not all who heard her speak were listening to what she was saying, as the letter in the County Times showed:

TO THE EDITOR West Sussex County Times

Sir,- Please allow me “a mere man” (and this because I know I shall be voicing the entire meeting) to say with what unmixed delight I listened to Mrs Hudson Lyall at Albion Hall this evening. I had been told she was a “tip top speaker” but the half had not been told me. Oratory is a great, a magnificent art, but when this is combined, as is the case with Mrs Lyall with refinement, restraint, gracious true womanliness, and a winsome gaiety and charm, the effect is bound to be great and far reaching indeed. What a pleasure and privilege to listen to a woman who is reasonableness personified, who disclaims all antagonism, who puts true womanliness first and foremost; who will stand no tampering with the sanctity of marriage; who has reverence, and intellect and humour and that magical thing, personality. So quiet and simple, and un-rhetorical and yet capable as in her appeal to women to shoulder the present burden and “carry on” of a noble and impassioned eloquence. Wherever she may speak, Mrs Lyall will shatter the illusion that an “advanced” woman must cease to be womanly. Slightly altering some lines of Rosetti’s, one may say “Every drop of her blood is human, and she is built like a soft sweet woman.” God send us a thousand such say and God Bless them all.

Yours faithfully,

F. S. ROSS

18 Market Square, Horsham

This was not the only concern: Gerald Blunt JP, who ran Springfield Park School, relative of Scawen Blunt, attended the monthly meeting of school managers where he addressed the thorny question of citizenship, as the County Times reported.

“Mr Gerald Blunt J.P., of Springfield Park, attended the monthly meeting of this body held at the Town Hall on Monday afternoon to briefly address the Managers on the subject of “Citizenship”. All educationalists he said must feel immense responsibility at the present moment with regard to the education of the next generation. As a result of the new Parliamentary register, some eleven million fresh voters would be added to the roll, and among these there would be something like five million female voters who had never yet exercised the franchise. He had with him the Association of Head mistresses in urging that there should be some teaching to girls of the duties of citizenship and some knowledge of the government of the country. Young girls, and also many grown ups were extraordinarily ignorant on these subjects. Every child should know something about the composition of the House of Lords, the House of Commons, about the ballot, how a Member of Parliament is elected, how a bill becomes an Act of Parliament, and something about rates and taxes.

A great many of the cranks, conscientious objectors and those sort of people would be eliminated if they learnt in the school in the beginning something about the government of the country. Then there was the question of the growth of juvenile crime, in particular larceny and malicious and wilful damage of property. He (Mr Blunt) thought the war had contributed in some way to the loosening of the moral fibre of the country, and the new educational code should in some way try to brace the children’s moral sense up to a respect of other people’s property.

For ten years he (Mr Blunt) was a member of a Scotch school board which had to deal with the rude and rough manners of children of a seafaring community. They drew up a written set of rules and each child received a printed copy. Within a couple of years a marked difference was observed in the conduct of these children in public. Mr Blunt produced these rules, with two books on kindred subjects.

The Chairman said the Managers were very pleased with what Mr Blunt had said and thanked him very much. It all depended very much upon how the teachers brought up the children. He (Mr Riley) would call a meeting of the teachers, if desired. They wanted good behaviour that existed in the school to exist outside as well…”

In the replies to the report of Mr Blunt’s presentation a couple of correspondents reveal some interesting information about how children were viewed during the War and the role that schools saw themselves taking in educating the good citizen.

“TO THE EDITOR West Sussex County Times

Dear Sir, Much could be said from the elementary teacher’s point of view about the remarks of Mr Gerald Blunt, J.P., in his address to the Managers of the Horsham Elementary Schools on the subject of “Citizenship”. While quite agreeing that Citizenship in some form should be taught in every school, I wish to point out that whether the subject appears on the timetable or not, the fundamental truths of citizenship, namely self-control, regard for law and order, respect for one another, etc. are always and continually taught and practised in our schools. As press Correspondent of the West Sussex Teachers’ Association I feel I cannot allow Mr Blunt’s suggestion that because no Citizenship is taught in our schools the children are little removed from barbarians, to pass without comment. After what has been said by the King and many high officers in praise of the work done by those whose chief or entire training was obtained from Elementary Schools, I need say very little more. I will only suggest that the mere teaching of Citizenship will not stop the few black sheep from doing wilful damage, any more than it stopped the undergraduates from doing wilful damage in Oxford etc. in pre-war days.

I remain

Yours faithfully,

WALTER L WATTON

38 Kings Road

Horsham 26^th June 1918”

TO THE EDITOR West Sussex County Times

Dear Sir, From your report of the Horsham Council School Managers meeting it appears that Mr Gerald Blunt spoke of the teaching of citizenship in the Elementary Schools. It should be pointed out that instruction in this subject has been given for many years. Further, during the war, the schools have not only been expected to educate the children in their duties as citizens, but have been called upon to influence the parents as well. I give only one instance. At a recent meeting in London of the National War Savings Committee, it was acknowledged that that movement succeeded at the commencement, largely through the work of the Elementary Schools.

But Mr Blunt makes serious charges against the conduct of the children of the town. No doubt there can be much improvement, but the remedy he suggests is altogether valueless. As a schoolmaster he should know that children must be doing something, and frequently drift into mischief simply for want of a better occupation. Now the children of Horsham have no facilities for healthy recreation, and are turned into the streets for several hours daily. If the scholars of the public and private schools were deprived of their playing fields, gymnasiums &c and sent into the streets, would they show that they had gone far “on the road to civilisation?”

The remedy to my mind is not more teaching but the provision of a large playing field for the boys and girls of the town. This is not a matter for that doubtful period “after the war”, but one that is more than ever required now, and all who are anxious for the future of the nation should be stirring to see that there is no further delay.

The YMCA are doing excellent work in allowing boys to play matches on the Horsham Cricket Ground, but what is required is a field which is open to all the children at any time they are free from School.

I am, Yours faithfully

HORSHAM TEACHER

The clear point that the letters and articles make was that there was a new order coming: the increase in voting numbers, the impact that women might have (though many would probably vote the way the husbands told them). And, just as importantly, the future is seen as resting with the children, not the parents; a significant shift in the attitude to the young, for although it was accepted as an “obvious” that the children are the future, the acceptance that the children will be the leaders and governance is an important part of leadership seems to be new, possibly reflecting the great sense of loss, with the removal of a generation brought about by the war.

There was another letter in the paper which raises the question of how the town will evolve after the war, and importantly, the children’s involvement in that process.

GOOD CITIZENSHIP

To the Editor West Sussex County Times

Dear Sirs, What is this? It is a question that should be first and foremost in the hearts and minds of all those responsible for its maintenance especially those in charge of the rising generation in the approaching days of reconstruction. It is pleasant to note that this question is being grappled with in your columns, and as the School Managers are somewhat responsible for it, it is to be hoped that they will digest the healthy part of its criticisms and move in a practical manner towards its demands. Horsham made a grievous mistake some years ago in not accepting the offer for a Free Library to be established in the town and it has been just as loath to provide a Recreation Ground or Park for the welfare of the town. John Ruskin has told us “There is no wealth but life – life with all its powers of love and joy and admiration. That nation is the richest which has the greatest number of noble and happy human beings.” If so with nations, it may well be applied to towns. How grand would be the issues for our future prosperity. It would help the town to meet its own demands and so become a prosperous little nation of the Sunny South of dear old England, whom our sons and brothers are seeking to save for the true happiness of us all at home.

Yours sincerely,

E T PERRY

33 Swindon Road, Horsham

So, it was back in 1917 that a meeting was held at Horsham, and again fully reported in the press. The meeting that was part of a much larger programme of electoral change, and as with all change, people were very much opposed to the idea, but the change did happen and much to Worthing’s annoyance the new constituency was Horsham and Worthing, created for the election in 1918; it lasted until 1945, the MP being Earl Winterton, the Conservative MP for Horsham.

PARLIAMENTARY BOUNDARIES.

INQUIRY AT HORSHAM

ORGANISED OPPOSITION TO PROPOSALS

COUNTY COUNCIL SCHEME[172]

“Much dis-satisfaction throughout West Sussex at the proposal of the Boundary Commissioners to divide the county into two electoral divisions (to be called Chichester and Horsham) culminated in organised opposition at the inquiry held at Horsham Town Hall on Thursday by Mr Ponsonby Moore-Crossthwaite M. Inst C.E. He attended for the purpose of hearing any objections to the proposed constitution of the divisions as follows: Chichester Division-East Preston, Midhurst, Petworth Westbourne and Westhampnett, Arundel, Chichester, Bognor and Littlehampton. Horsham Division – Horsham, Steyning West, Thakeham, Worthing, Shoreham and Southwick.”

As usual there is long list of people attending the inquiry, including Duke of Richmond, Lord Leconfield and representatives of all the councils and political parties.

“The assistant commissioner: Is there any opposition to the boundaries of the proposed divisions? If so, I should like to take the names.

Duke of Richmond: Then I think you will have to take the names of the greater part of West Sussex. There is considerable opposition to two members instead of three.”

There followed discussions on why the proposals were unsuitable. It was suggested that the resulting division would be too big, that the population figures used were out of date, and that there was great difficulty in travel and communication in the county.

The West Sussex County Council proposed that there should be three divisions – Chichester, (with Arundel, Bognor Littlehampton) Horsham (with Midhurst and Petworth) and Worthing (with Shoreham, Steyning, Thakeham and Southwick)

The Town Clerk of Worthing supported the County Council proposal and strongly objected to Worthing being placed with Horsham. At least, he suggested, the division should be called Worthing as that town had a much larger population than Horsham.

The commissioner asked if only two divisions were to be allowed were there any objections to the proposals? It was suggested that the boundaries should be drawn east-west along the downs and not north –south.

The inquiry lasted from 11.30am to 2.15pm.

The same month this was going on, William Albery received a letter from Private Walden stationed in Norfolk, asking for the loan of the Monster Bass (a musical instrument for the band); the letter contains a sting in its tail which Albery may not have been pleased about.

“Dear Mr Albery

I am writing to know if you and the committee of the H R S B[173] would be kind enough to grant me the loan of the Monster Bass as I have been asked to join the Company band they have a very good lot of players and have got their instruments in the same way. The instruments would be entirely in my care and the band sergeant and Colonel are quite willing to give a guarantee that it shall be returned should you see your way to grant it, to me. You will be doing me a great favour as they are going to grant me leave to fetch it and should the band be broken up at any time they will grant me leave to bring it back; and I will promise that it shall be returned the same as I take it away. Trusting the old band is still going on alright. I am longing for the time when I can take my place in it again; please let me have an early reply…

They are also in want of a G trombone. I told them that we had an old one they asked me if I thought I could get it on the same condition. I told them I would try so will you kindly state this also, the instruments are locked up close to the guard room every night-so they are quite safe. Practice from 9 till 12 and from 2 till 4 when there is not a draft to play to the station. If I can have the instruments it will keep me this side if not I shall have to go over. Give my regards to all.”

The big internationally important event of October was the Russian Revolution when the Bolsheviks seized power, forcing the Regent out. This event barely caused a ripple in Horsham, except for one person. Belloc, who had invested the money he got from wartime talks, lectures, articles etc. in Russia, lost the lot.

Another sign of post-war thinking was the establishment in November 1917 of an old soldiers group, or Comrades of the Great War, which would later become the Royal British Legion. As Jane Bowen writes:

“For, when a ‘Comrades of the Great War’ post was formed in Horsham in November 1917, it was to ‘inaugurate and maintain in a strong, stimulating, united and democratic comradeship all who have served…so that… their efforts… shall (not) be forgotten..’ Still further, it aimed to keep ‘alive the spirit of patriotism and devotion which distinguished the forces in the great War.’[174] The intention was to use the cohesive force that serving in the forces created for a greater good after the War. The Edwardian ideals that voluntary groups clubs and societies pursued, for the betterment of the fellow man, was being re-born through military experience amongst those who may never have “belonged” socially to such clubs and societies. It would see its greatest manifestation in Horsham with the opening of the Drill Hall in 1928, but that is later in our story. For now, it is enough to know that Horsham was thinking about what would happen after the War.

1918 – What comes after?

Horsham, like the rest of the country, was getting used to shortages and rationing. Posters were being put up notifying a more controlled and authoritarian regime; it had to be in order to win the war. There seems to have been a proliferation of Committees created in order to manage the restrictions. It might seem strange as, in reality, a Committee is never the best way of organising restrictions as there will be conflict of interests and personality clashes; dictatorship would be best. It could be argued that Britain was a democratic country, therefore Committees were a manifestation of that democracy, but in 1917 Britain still had restricted suffrage (see above). Probably the creation of the “Committee” to run things was an inherent part of the culture of Edwardian Britain; it wouldn’t have occurred to anyone not to have a Committee to organise and manage the restrictions. So the “Horsham Economy Committee”, the executive officer being Sidney W. Evans who operated from the Town Hall, was formed. It appears to have been established to seek ways to economise. In November one of its notices (or was it the only one?) went up, stating that Customers are requested to carry small parcels owing to labour difficulties with general home purchases being wrapped in parcels weighing up to 7lb.[175] In the same month the Local Coal Committee to manage distribution of coal issued a notice that “on and after Monday 3rd December 1917” coal merchants at the Horsham Railway Goods Yard will supply coal “in quantities of two Cwts. Or less, at the rate of two shillings per Cwt. The coal will be supplied every week-day between the hours of 12 and 1 only, until further notice.” This committee was linked to the Council as the Clerk was Sam Mitchell and it was issued from the Council Offices. This suggests that the Horsham Economy Committee was a voluntary body that took on a quasi-governmental role; this could mean that the small parcel suggestion was a voluntary code of practice rather than a diktat.

The public reaction to the restrictions and shortages was also played out in the local press with numerous articles and comments either about why there should be a restriction, or how to help the war effort or make things. The following are three such reactions from the same issue of the County Times, 1December 1917.

“USING POTATOES TO SAVE BREAD[176]

Sir Arthur Yapp, the Director of Food Economy, is anxious that the present very large surplus stock of potatoes and vegetables should be utilised in all private houses, and also in Hotels, Restaurants and other Public Eating Places, in such a way as to save bread.

It has been brought to his notice that in many Public Eating Places the charge for a portion of potatoes and other vegetables is so relatively high as to encourage people to order bread instead. This is very much against the national interest at present, and Sir Arthur Yapp desires it to be clearly understood that he expects the management of all Public Eating Places to alter the arrangements accordingly.

It is stated that it is still quite common for Meat, Eggs, etc. to be served on toast or bread. This practice should be immediately discontinued and the use of bread, should be discouraged in every way possible.

SHOPPING

Alas for the days the days that have fled

When we sat by the fire and toasted the bread

And piled on the butter so thick and so hot

Now where’s the butter, it simply is “not”

If matches could only be taken as loot

Oh! currents! so rare and refreshing a fruit!

My sugar card’s lost and I hardly can see

That miserable packet, two ounces of tea!

Or else I am told, “They have sold out their store”

Of goods that I need – “And can’t get any more”

And the angel who keeps an account of our fibs

Long ago must have used up his ink and his nibs.

Oh! The price of our “night caps” what’s this weak and pale

Is it beer? Oh dear no! – its Government ale –

Whilst “Bubbly” and “Blighty” – these words without

peer,

Are equally precious – for both are so “dear”!

Still, what does it matter, though my hair has gone grey

With the miles that I tramp on my housekeeping way –

And I leave to the Huns their short rations to curse –

And thank God most humbly, Ours could be much worse!

CAUSE OF BUTTER SHORTAGE

The main reason for the shortage of butter is the restriction of the supply from Denmark and Holland, from which in normal times the bulk of the imported supply comes. The cause of the reduced supply of butter available from these two countries is the shortage of fodder, and in particular of imported feeding stuffs. A more ample supply of butter from Denmark and Holland could be ensured by allowing more feeding stuffs to be imported into these countries, but that would result in an increased supply of butter to Germany also, which would be a more serious evil. It is necessary, therefore, to choose between indulging ourselves in a more ample supply of butter and thereby sending more into Germany, and as an alternative reducing our supply by preventing the import of feeding stuffs into Holland and thus reducing the German supply still more drastically than our own. The latter policy has been adopted by the ministry of Food and efforts are being made with considerable success to secure imports from sources outside Europe in order to balance the loss caused by the reduction of the supply normally drawn from Denmark and Holland. – National Food Journal.

“The addition of potato flour gave bread an unpleasant greyish appearance – flour was also made from barley, maize, and rice”[177]. The increase in rationing led to a calorific drop of 3% and a protein drop of 6% in the average diet, though less than that occurred in the Central powers which caused some disquiet at home. Meals became more boring and less appetizing even though books such as Win the War Cookery Book tried to encourage tasty recipes. Margarine sales quadrupled during the War as butter shortages took hold. Not everything was successful though, and horse meat never took off.[178]

Even though there were shortages of food, parcels of foodstuffs were still being sent over to the troops. Miss Peake’s Parcels Fund sent out 53 and by 16 Februarythe County Times could report that 27 had arrived. Rationing, though, had other unforeseen consequences with women being restricted on buying high leg boots. W. Hart. & Son decided to take advantage of this restriction by placing the following notice in the County Times for 19 January.

Women’s High Leg Boots

Today Women can buy high leg boots but, at the end of January, they will not be allowed to buy any more, unless an extension of times is granted by the Government.

On the 1^st January the Government stopped the manufacture of all women’s boots with legs higher than 7 inches, if leather, or 8 inches, if cloth, and it seems determined to stop, as soon as possible, the sale of high leg boots made last year.

Meanwhile we have a fairly good stock of last year’s boots, including some of the well known Lotus and Delta.

Buy a pair today: the Government is about to stop their sale.

W. Hart & Son, West Street, Horsham

However, the overriding message of the early months of 1918 was shortages and rationing with the Government stepping in to control prices and stop profiteering. This saw a proliferation of public notices via posters and in the press. In Horsham (and probably elsewhere) there was the creation of a whole new governmental or quasi-governmental structure. For example, the notice concerning Butter and Margarine mentions the Horsham Food Control Committee, a Food Office operating from the Town Hall. As a price list issued in February is signed by Sidney W. Evans this Committee seems to have developed out of or replaced the Economy Committee mentioned above. This developing administrative structure was highlighted by the discussion held at the Council and reported on in the press for July 1918.[179]

HOUSEHOLD FUEL AND LIGHTING COMMITTEE

RATIONING OF FUEL

A special meeting of the Horsham Urban District Council was held on Wednesday night to consider a letter from the Board of Trade in regard to the Household Fuel and Lighting Order, 1918. Mr. C. Rowland, J.P., (Chairman) Presided, and there were present: Messrs E. E. Lawrence, J.P., E I Bostock, J.P., H Hawkins, E. T. Lane, H. C. Hunt, W. F. Sendall, A. G. Wheeler, H. Chart and E. Potter with the Clerk (Mr S. Mitchell).

The Board of Trade asked the Council to at once proceed to nominate a Local Fuel Overseer to undertake the work of executing the Order and also if the Council thought fit to set up a local Fuel and Lighting Committee to supervise and assist the Local Fuel Overseer and it was suggested that the Surveyor or Engineer to the Council will be found to be the most fitting person to be appointed.

The Chairman said he had interviewed Mr Renwick, who was definite in his statement that it was no good his undertaking the job. He had more than he could do properly and if he took this on it would be neglecting his own work. Mr. Rowland thought the Surveyor was quite right.

Eventually on the proposition of Mr Hunt, seconded by Mr Bostock, it was decided to advertise the post in this week’s issue of the Horsham papers. Mr Charles Rowland was appointed Chairman of the Local Fuel and Lighting Committee and the following nominated as the Council’s five members: Messrs H. Hawkins, H. C. Hunt, E. Potter, F. L. Roberts and A G Wheeler.

Mr Sidney Evans was eventually appointed at a salary of £105.

The Poster regarding Butter and Margarine issued on 22 January 1918 required consumers to register “at once” for their supplies of butter and Margarine, going on to note that “The original Household Sugar Card should be taken to the Retailer for stamping for this purpose, and Consumers will be restricted to one Retailer”; Retailers of Farm or Dairy butter had to register by letter with the Food Office at the Town Hall. This was followed 10 days later with a notice setting out “Current Retail Price List of Meat,” with prices given for home-grown and imported meat by the pound. Surprisingly, the imported meat was the same or cheaper in every case. This might reflect the chilled or frozen nature of the meat, but the expense and difficulty of transporting it shows how cheap the meat must have been to begin with. The still seasonal nature of meat production was apparent in that lamb was only available from abroad and home-grown freezing wasn’t apparently commercially done, whilst home-reared pork was only available with no importation. This might have been a result of the same problems that Denmark was suffering over butter production as by 1914 most of the pork was imported. Notice, though, that bacon isn’t listed, nor ham (sausage was predominantly waste meats). This was due to bacon being imported, and in June a notice was published in the County Times

FIXED BACON PRICES

The congestion on the quays due to heavy arrivals of bacon and ham including lard has been considerably reduced during the last few days and clearances are now keeping pace with the arrivals. The whole machinery for handling imports had been expedited by Mr J R. Clynes, Parliamentary Secretary to the Ministry of Food. It is impossible to say at present whether the present scale of increased coupon values of bacon and ham will be continued after June 29. All will depend on the supplies available. It is quite possible that later on in the year there may be a return to the original three-coupon allowance of fresh meat. Although bacon (the order fixing the price of which the Ministry of Food hopes to make public this week) is comparatively plentiful just now, its food value should be taken full advantage of and every effort made to prevent waste.

HINTS AS TO COOKING

The following hints as to how to make the most of the bacon ration are issued by the Ministry of Food.

1. Do not wash the pan immediately after frying bacon, or the fat which coats the pan will be wasted. The greasy pan can be used for frying cooked haricots, or sliced cold potatoes. A little fat bacon served with fried haricots, or potatoes makes a good breakfast and saves bread.

2. The rind of bacon should be removed before cooking and should be fried to melt the fat from it. The rind should afterwards be added to vegetable stock or soup to give flavour. Bones from bacon should be added to the stock pot or soup pan.

3. When bacon has been boiled it should be left to cool in the water in which it was cooked. In this way less fat is lost and juice which might otherwise be lost and enriches the stock.

4. The liquor in which ham or bacon has been boiled should be allowed to become cold. The fat should then be skimmed and clarified. From 2oz to 4oz of clear white fat can in this way be recovered from 1 lb of fat bacon.

5. As vegetables contain very little fat, a little bacon added to a vegetable stew makes a nourishing and appealing dish. This is a particularly economical way of cooking a small quantity of bacon, as the fat which comes from the bacon enriches the stew and is not wasted on the sides of the pan.

Though meat was in short supply, for there was no guarantee that the meat and cuts (all 124 listed in the poster) would be available, then wild and game birds could be hunted as the notice in the County Times explained two weeks later.

THE KILLING OF MIGRATORY BIRDS[180]

The Government has taken different measures intended to enable the country in its present food shortage to draw upon various sources of supply that are usually closed for a considerable part of the year. This is the case notably in relation to game birds and certain migratory birds of less common types. This week we are informed by the Food Production Department that the Board of Agriculture has made an Order extending to March 31^st 1918 the time for killing in England and Wales a number of migratory wild birds, including the Curlew, the Knot, the Whimbrel, the Golden Plover, the Red Shank, the Godwit, the Snipe, the Woodcock, the Teal, the Widgen, the Mallard, the Shoveler, the Pochard, the White-fronted Goose, the Pink-footed Goose and the Grey Lag Goose. By the same Order, the time for the lawful sale, exposure or offer for sale or possession of any of these birds is extended to April 15, 1918.

The increasing number of returnees who were injured or invalided out of the War saw in 1917 the creation of the non-political organisation, Comrades of the Great War, mentioned above. On 21 February 1918[181] a public meeting was held in the Kings Head where Mr H. Metcalfe of the General Committee, Headquarters, London would speak. Less than two months later on 13 April the County Times could report on the opening of, if Lord Leconfield was right, the first such club in the Country, let alone County.

COMRADES OF THE GREAT WAR

OPENING OF CLUB PREMISES

For the opening of the premises at the corner of Park-street and East-street as the Comrades of the Great War Club, yesterday afternoon by Lord Leconfield, there was a large attendance. Lord Leconfield congratulated Horsham most heartily upon being the first to start a club under the Comrades of the Great War. He had not heard of any other town or place in the country which had got so far. It was doubly satisfactory because his own opinion was that it was by clubs of this kind that Comrades of the Great War would do most good. There was no doubt that the movement was a very good one. His Lordship said he was very much struck by the premises, which were admirably suitable in every way. Colonel Godman and all concerned were to be greatly congratulated. The Committee, he said, would be glad of gifts of furniture, pictures &c. and they would like as many annual subscribers as possible. Lord Leconfield said he had great pleasure in announcing that the club was open and wished it a long life of great success and prosperity.

Colonel Godman expressed the thanks of the “Comrades” to Lord Leconfield. It was, he remarked, always the busy men who found time to do something more, and they thanked him most heartily. The Colonel mentioned that His Lordship had subscribed £5 towards the furnishing of the premises.

Captain Appleby the “blind hero” (of the Lancashire Fusiliers) said it was a great pleasure to be there as an active member because no one appreciated more than he did the value they were going to get from the “Comrades” Association, and it would be doubly useful to him because it would bring him into much closer touch with the men he had had the honour to command than ever before.”

In 1921 the Comrades organisation amalgamated with three others to form The British Legion, becoming the Royal British Legion in 1971. This, though, was not the only thing being organised in Horsham for those war wounded, or receiving a war pension. In April a special film, as reported in the County Times, was shown in the Electric Theatre (cinema) in the Carfax, regarding training for the disabled[182].

“TRAINING FOR DISABLED SAILORS AND SOLDIERS

An interesting and instructive cinema entertainment was given at the Electric Theatre by kind permission of the proprietor at Horsham on Thursday afternoon under the auspices of the West Sussex War Pensions Committee and Mr A. R. Malden from the Ministry of Pensions gave a talk on the work being carried on in connection with the training of disabled soldiers and sailors.

The Rev E.D.L. Harvey, Chairman of the West Sussex War Pensions Committee presided, and said the object of the entertainment was to show slides that bore up the important work that was being done for their discharged wounded men.

The War Pensions Committees, he explained, were set up in order that they might be a link between the men and the Ministry of Pensions. They had now in West Sussex alone some 2,500 discharged men, and it was their object and interest to look after the welfare of these men.

They had a good many men from West Sussex in training. It was an agricultural area, and he was glad to say that a good many of the men were going in for tractor work. Mr J Rice, who was very well known in Horsham had given an immense amount of time to the work of instructing these men. They would see on the screen other scope for training”.

The rather upbeat report of the film and the presentation belied the local difficulty that had sprung up over people on the local committee which had been reported on in the press the week before.

WAR PENSIONS LOCAL COMMITTEE[183]

The Rev E.D.L. Harvey J.P., (Chairman) presided at a meeting of the War Pensions Local Committee at Horsham Town Hall yesterday afternoon.

In presenting the report of the Joint Area Committee the Chairman said that the Minister of Pensions had intimated that he would no longer allow Capt. Baird to act as representative of the Ministry. The Committee felt strongly on the matter and had passed a very strong resolution of protest at a meeting in London. It was likely that unless the original proposals with regard to the setting up of a Joint Committee were carried out by the Minister, the Local Committees would cease to join it, although they felt that the Joint Area Committee had been extremely useful because it had enabled them to pool their resources in Kent, Surrey and Sussex for the treatment and training of disabled men.

The Hon Lady Maxse said that the model scheme framed as a result of the conference on training in agriculture and market gardening had been forwarded to the Ministry of Pensions for its sanction. Owing to the insufficiency of accommodation at Barnham, training at the Nurseries had not been started. The Secretary had been instructed to write and ask the Rev W.D. Yoward to ascertain from the Manager of the Nurseries whether they would find accommodation and an expert instructor if the Local Committee were to send 15 or 20 men on any given date.

The nation was turning more and more to “after the War” issues. In January 1918 there was a lecture by Rev Bedford-Pim on “the story of the Church in Wales & its future”. The Welsh disestablishment issue had, before the War, been a very contentious and heated issue with a number of talks about the “Church in Wales” separating from the Church of England. In September 1914 the Government caused much disquiet by placing the Welsh Disestablishment Bill, along with Irish Home Rule Bill, on the statute book, with the proviso that neither would come into effect till the War was over. Now, obviously, people could see the end to the War, though it would be nearly a year away, and decided to hold public meetings about it, this one being run by the Church Defence Committee.

In May[184] the Salvation Army held a meeting in the Carfax to hear or discuss the topic “How England should look when the boys come home”, an issue that would become more and more important as the War came to its conclusion. The talks, on Saturday evening in the Carfax and Sunday afternoon at the Brotherhood Rally, London Road by Will Evans were promoted in the press for 25 May.

TEMPERANCE MISSION IN HORSHAM

The visit of “Will Evans” (Amalgamated Society of Engineers) for a week’s mission in Horsham, under the auspices of the local temperance association, has aroused considerable interest, as evidenced by the well attended meetings in the Carfax and other places in and around Horsham. The following extract from the letter of a local clergyman to Mr J Cramp is a fair reflex of Will Evans’ personality- “I was very favourably impressed with Will Evans last night. He seemed to me a very good and fluent speaker, pleasant, forceful, yet quiet and reasonable. His statements moreover, those I heard, were accurate. Altogether he is a pleasant and refreshing speaker.”

Mr Evans, who is a recent convert to the temperance platform, is well known in the Labour Movement, and particularly in his own Society, the Amalgamated Engineers. His adherence to the temperance party has been brought about mainly by the conviction that the social programme of which he has been an advocate for over 30 years is unattainable until the liquor traffic is drastically dealt with. His favourite address “How England should look when the Boys come Home”, is a concise and striking recapitulation of England’s position as the wealthiest country in the world prior to the war, its social injustices and a forcible exposition of the policy of reconstruction to be followed if England is to be worthy of the boys so gallantly fighting and dying for England in many lands. The war from Mr Evans’ point of view is being needlessly prolonged by the waste of men, wealth and material resources in the importation of grain, sugar and other materials for brewing and distilling in this country. Rationing is unnecessarily severe owing to this waste, and America’s gallant rally to the cause of the Allies handicapped by the fact that ships that might be conveying American troops and their stores to France are now diverted to the transport of materials for the manufacture of liquor. Needless to say Mr Evans is a strong advocate of prohibition during the war and the period of demobilisation…”.

In May Horsham, like the nation as a whole, was still convulsed by rationing, fundraising and food shortages, including for the first time tea, with the necessity to register with their regular supplier. What this also suggests is that customers were expected to have a relationship with one shop, rather than shopping around to obtain the best price. Obviously, it was an important part of controlling supplies and with price control there wouldn’t be any price variation, but it does suggest that there was an expectation that shop loyalty would be strong.

By June the question of food shortages became so pressing that it was suggested that the best way of feeding the nation was by setting up National Kitchens, as the County Times reported.[185]

NATIONAL KITCHENS

SCHEME FOR THE WHOLE COUNTRY

A considered scheme for the establishment of national kitchens has now been definitely formulated. We are officially informed that the country has now been definitely parcelled out into districts coinciding with the areas of the Food Commissioners, and that a Divisional Director will be responsible for each district for carrying out the national policy. The kitchen at Poplar has been treated as a model and its success shows what can be accomplished under effective management by modern equipment and adherence to business methods. It has been established three months and the weekly returns show a satisfactory and comprehensive profit. After provision has been made for cost of management, the estimated rental value, interest on and redemption of capital, renewal of plant and contingent liability a profit is shown at the rate of 50% p.a.

It is clear that much waste has been avoided and considerable saving effected in fuel and good nourishing food provided. The number of patrons has steadily increased. The number of persons served in the first few weeks was about 1200 per day and has now grown to over 2300 per day. The patrons include mothers, children, school teachers, bank clerks, commercial clerks and artisans. An attractive feature of this kitchen is the restaurant which is attached. The number of portions served in the restaurant during its first few weeks was 30 – 40 per day and it is now l300 per day, a sum of £8 per week being realised from charges for table money of one penny for a dinner and halfpenny for tea. The eating house which the National Kitchens Division of the Food Ministry is setting up in New Bridge Street, Blackfriars on similar lines to that at Poplar is expected will be open to the public in the middle of June”.

At the end of June notices[186] were put up around the town and in the press informing Horsham people of the new scheme for rationing books, which saw the scrapping of any local scheme, merging it into one.

THE NEW RATION BOOKS

The introduction of ration books on July 14 will mark the merging into a national scheme of any local scheme of rationing of sugar, butter and margarine, lard and meat. An adult’s ration book will have leaves of coupons for each of these commodities. But the local Committee may ration other foods if they please, and for this purpose a book will contain spare leaves also.

To say that altruistic war effort petered out in Horsham is probably no exaggeration. As Jane Bowen describes it:

“The severe influenza epidemic of late 1918 brought life in the town, as elsewhere, almost to a standstill. Committee meetings were cancelled, entertainments poorly attended and, as more interesting and encouraging news came from abroad, this was substituted for local news in the paper. All the schools were closed from mid October until late November, mainly from illness, but partly as a result of hopelessness and depression caused by shortages of staff, fuel, good food and incentives. As the head of East Parade school wrote in June 1918, ‘I find it difficult to work the school under present conditions…discipline so weak’. (E Prds log book)”

Even though Horsham was deeply immersed in the War and tightening its collective belt, people still had time to relax by watching films and Bronco Bill’s Great Wild West Exhibition which came to Horsham on 9 August at Lyne’s Meadow, Worthing Road. The town had already seen Buffalo Bill’s exhibition some years previously and this followed in a similar vein with cowboys, Indians and a “Deadwood Coach”. According to the press there was seating for 5,000 with two shows, at 3 and 8pm.

In September there was an interesting talk, fully reported on in the County Times (see the edited extracts below), given by Mrs Dacre Fox on the subject of internment, interesting because of who was in attendance, the subject matter and the speaker. As the newspaper account shows, those in attendance included most of what would be termed “the great and good”: civic dignitaries, including Dame Alice Godman who was an early recipient of the OBE, and people who were active fundraisers. The talk itself was attacking the number of German people or people of German descent in very outspoken terms, invoking the threat of the Russian revolution. What neither she nor other people commented on was that if all such persons from all Government and public offices were to be interned, so would the King who had only a year before changed his family name, from Battenberg to Windsor.

It is, however, the speaker who is remarkable, for Mrs Dacre Fox was closely linked to the suffragette movement, but also took on strong fascist leanings, gaining some notoriety after the War being linked to Oswald Moseley. It is interesting to note that suffragettes who opposed conscription were pelted with rubbish, but those who proposed fascist tendencies were lauded with the great and the good. This aspect will raise its head again in the 1930s with Mosley’s visit to Horsham and the local support, as well as the local antagonism.[187]

THE INTERNMENT OF ENEMY ALIENS

OPEN AIR MEETING AT HORSHAM

ADDRESS BY MRS DACRE FOX

A patriotic meeting to call strongly for the internment of all enemy aliens was held at the Carfax on Thursday afternoon and was addressed at some length from the Bandstand by Mrs Dacre Fox an able speaker who is conducting meetings in all parts of the country. There was a large and most attentive audience. Mr E.I. Bostock, J.P. presided. Those present were Mr F T Godman, Dame Alice Godman, O.B.E., Mr C J Lucas, J.P. Miss Alcard, Miss Walton, Mr Charles Rowland, J.P., Mr A Scrase Dickens, J.P. Mrs A Scrase Dickens, Mrs Bostock, Miss Lyon, Mrs Vernon, Miss Lillian Davidson, Miss A D Smithe, Miss Brabourne, Mr Percy G Eager, Miss Rawlinson, Mr Williams (Chief Constable for West Sussex), Mr J Cramp, Mrs Matthews and the lady speaker.

In opening the meeting Dr Bostock said that German influence was at the bottom of a great number of the strikes. There was a sinister influence at work to make these people do all that Germany would like them to do. It was German influence and German money at the back of it. Such a statement might be difficult to prove, but it was not unprovable.

Mrs Dacre Fox opened her speech to the accompaniment of the buzzing of four aeroplanes that came over steadily against the wind. She said that until every alien of German blood was in an internment camp we should be in danger of becoming a second Russia…

The House of Commons had six members of Parliament who were Germans and the Judge Advocate General of the British Army, a position in its importance next to the King, was a German, naturalised in 1892. What were we doing with German’s in the British Army, naturalised or unnaturalised?… It was intolerable that it should be said we could not intern these people because they had sons in the British Army; she did not care whether they were naturalised or not…

Since 1915 she had been attacking German influence at the Foreign Office. The Permanent Adviser to the British Foreign Secretary at the Foreign office since 1909 was another alien, the son of a German mother, married to a German wife, and himself the nephew of the late chief of the German Naval Staff. She did not blame the Germans, but blamed the people of this country for tolerating it.”

The speech went on in this vein for some while, citing instances of riots in Newquay, and Germans employed at Woolwich Arsenal. “In closing Mrs Dacre Fox moved the following resolution:

“That the meeting demands the immediate internment of all persons of enemy blood whether naturalised or unnaturalised, the removal of all such persons from all Government and public offices, and calls upon His Majesty’s Government to take whatever steps are necessary to carry this resolution into effect.”

In seconding, Mr Percy G. Eager said the matter was one of urgency. This should have been dealt with in years gone by, but at long last he hoped the country would wake up to the danger in their midst and that something should now be done in order that those aliens of enemy blood might be interned

The resolution was then put and carried unanimously. On the proposition of Mr C. J. Lucas J.P., thanks were accorded to the speaker and the Chairman.”

When the end of the War came it occurred quite suddenly. In October the women working at Prewetts engineering works held an evening for the soldiers stationed at Roffey Camp.[188] Less than a month later war was over. Though the exact date wasn’t known for certain at a fundraising day for the Red Cross held at Cowfold, Dame Alice Godman could report that, according to the press, “They saw in the papers that it was almost settled that prisoners were to be repatriated, but they knew that whatever happened it would be weeks, and probably many months before those who were wounded and in distant parts of Germany could be brought home. Everybody must be well aware that these prisoners depended entirely for existence on the parcels that we sent to them. The money to be made at the sale would be devoted to the prisoners of Sussex Regiments alone, therefore they should spend their money generously and freely…”[189]

Two days later, peace was declared, as recorded in the County Times, though it must be recalled that it was an armistice, not an end of the War; though that is what it became.

PEACE REJOICING AT HORSHAM

CROWDED CHURCH SERVICES[190]

Although no official notification of the signing of the armistice was received in Horsham till Monday afternoon, the news became generally known on the telephone soon after eleven o’clock and flags quickly appeared in the main streets. There was much excitement and eager questionings at likely centres. Then the news spread rapidly that a service was to be held at the Parish Church at twelve o’clock. Many businesses were closed and people flocked down the picturesque Causeway for there was something official at last. In the presence of a vast congregation the Choir and clergy filed into the chancel a few minutes after mid day and the Vicar (Rev. Morley L.C. Headlam) went straight to the pulpit where he asked the people to join him in saying the Lord’s prayer. There then followed a brief service and a collection for the Red Cross Fund was taken which realised £35. 16s. 4d.

Despite the damp weather which persisted till late in the evening, general rejoicing was the programme throughout the town. In the afternoon the Town Band played selections in the Bandstand and subsequently toured the town halting at the Cottage Hospital to make a collection for them and 15s 4d was contributed.

There was an evening thanksgiving service at 8 o’clock in the Parish Church which was filled to overflowing with many having to stand throughout the service.

TORCHLIGHT PROCESSION AT HORSHAM

In continuation of the rejoicing at the signing of the Armistice a hastily organised but most successful torchlight procession was held at Horsham on Thursday night, the route being that traversed for a number of years by the Carnival Society. A substantial collection was made on behalf of the funds of the War Hospital Supply Depot, several of the collectors utilising poles so that folk at upper windows should not go “scot free”. At least £38 was realised.

With the evening delightfully fine, and a moon too bright for a torchlight procession, thousands of people assembled in the Carfax to enjoy the unwonted brilliance of full lighting denied now for several years. The Electrical Engineer (Mr H. F. Cotton) and staff had wired the bandstand with fairy lights and thus prettily outlined in varied colours it formed a charming centre for the evening’s proceedings.

The parade finished in the Carfax where there were speeches from Mr Charles Rowland and the Vicar, Rev. E.D.L. Harvey, on the balcony of the London and Westminster Bank, and rockets and fireworks ended the proceedings soon afterwards. It was an extremely successful celebration of the cessation of hostilities, especially seeing that it was arranged at such short notice.”

The War was over, but its aftermath was immediate, including how Horsham would mark those who had died, as noted in the County Times some seven days later. Later still, soldiers would return who had been German prisoners of war. This story, though, waits till the next chapter.

REMBERING THE DEAD

THE TOWN’S PERMANENT MEMORIAL[191]

A special meeting of the Horsham Urban District Council to consider the desirability of taking steps for the provision of a permanent memorial to the men of Horsham who have fallen in the War was held yesterday afternoon. Mr Charles Rowland, J.P., (Chairman) presided, and there were present Messrs F.L. Roberts (Vice Chairman), E.I. Bostock, J.P., H.C. Hunt, C. Page, W.H.B. Lintott. W.F. Sendall, A.G. Wheeler, H. Hawkins, H. Chart, E.E. Lawrence, J.P., and E.T. Lane with the Clerk (Mr S. Mitchell). The Council were unanimous as to the need of a permanent memorial, and formed themselves into a Committee to consider the best means to be adopted for carrying it out. A public meeting will be called at an early date, and the Committee, which adjourned for a fortnight, will in the meantime formulate some proposals in connection with the matter.

The following research on the history of Horsham’s War Memorial took place for this volume. It was felt that this is the ideal place to record the story behind the town’s most prominent memorial, though as we see in the next volume of the town’s history, not the only one. At the time of writing the original chapter the author had no idea of the complexity or the passion of the arguments that took place in the town regarding the war memorial. After doing the research[192] it was decided to use it to create an exhibition at the Museum in 2008 on the War Memorial. The work was then re-created as an exhibition in 2008 on Horsham’s War Memorial. It has been decided to retain the format of the exhibition as it enables the story to be followed with ease.

The following account describes the quite often heated discussions that took place over the erection of a War Memorial in Horsham, discussions which today seem remarkable for the disagreement – yet shouldn’t be. Why?

There was no tradition in Britain of war memorials in public places
Most memorials to war were placed in churches linked to military establishments/towns, not in public space
There was no model to base it on – no tradition – there was the Arch, like Marble Arch and the Arc de Triomphe, but that celebrated victory
At the end of the War people actually questioned what they were fighting for –Belgian freedom, King and Country, God, Civilisation: for what?

THE QUESTION OF DESIGN

The West Sussex County Times reported on 11 January 1919 that an open meeting had taken place to consider the question of a memorial. The Chairman said the Council had had this question in its mind since the end of 1914, when it was decided, with the assistance of Mr. J. B. Morgan, who was at the time Electrical Engineer, to keep a register of all men joining the forces in order that some illuminated roll of honour might be prepared. But as time went on the number became too large and instead a record was kept of those who gave up their lives for the country. He doubted whether anyone dreamt that it would extend to something like 260 to 300 men.

The Urban District Council had decided upon a distinctive memorial in the Carfax or the Causeway. Other people suggested:

A new recreation ground
A new hospital
A new public hall
A new YMCA building[193]

The Council’s recommendation was “that the proposed memorial be in the form of an obelisk or similar permanent erection, to be placed on the Carfax as a suitable memorial to the Horsham men who have given their lives for their country during the war.”

The Church, in the name of Rev. Harvey, strongly supported this move holding that “whatever utilitarian form the memorial might take it was important that there should be erected in the Carfax on a suitable site a memorial (which would remain for generations to come) of the greatest struggle for civilization that the world had ever seen. He thought that other schemes – he had been connected with more than one of them – were all rather big as to cost, and should be considered by a Committee. Whatever permanent memorial they put up should be the best possible of its kind, designed by the best possible architect in the kingdom (applause). Nothing could be too worthy. He thought it would help matters if the Chairman could tell them the probable cost of the memorial”.

The cost

The Chairman reported that a firm in Scotland suggested “a red granite obelisk, some 16ft in height with a space of 4ft or 5ft between the plinth and the cap. There would be four sides and nothing could be better fitted for some 300 names with lead lettering – the cost 12 months back was approximately £500

Mr. Trotter, a discharged soldier, said he was sure the lads themselves who made the great sacrifice would have said “If you are going to raise a memorial to our memory raise something that will be to the good of the community.” He agreed with Mr. Blunt that there should be some such monument as a public hall or public library, whilst Mr. Graves proposed a new Hospital, though this it was suggested, should be paid for from the rates rather than subscription.

The Vicar again spoke and agreed that they must put up something for the sake of the men themselves their sacrifice, “though we know they would wish something for the common good – must be commemorated. It should be definitely associated with and symbolic of their sacrifice, a central monument in grateful and undying remembrance. An obelisk was of pagan origin and he greatly preferred a cross – there was no symbol to compare with it.

The Council’s proposition …was then approved without opposition. It was arranged that a committee should consist of seven councilors (to include Mr Bostock) with the following (with the power to add to their number): The Vicar, Messrs H.W. Bowen, G.W. Thompson, Mr. H.H. Vernon, E.J. Kittle, Claud Kay (architect) and Rev. E.D.L. Harvey.

THE PLOT MOVES ON

On 24 May 1919 the County Times went on to report that:

On Monday 20 May a public event held in the Town hall to discuss the War Memorial. “Wideley divergent views were aired, and the discussion was long-drawn out, but the result, in brief, was that Mr Arthur Walker’s design, which had been on view in front of the hall for nearly a week, was approved so far as Horsham Urban District Council was concerned. The question was referred back to the Committee so that representatives of the Horsham Union parishes may be added to the Committee and have an opportunity of considering the design “before it is finally accepted or rejected.”

ARTHUR WALKER’S DESIGN

Unfortunately, we don’t have a copy of the design by Arthur Walker, but we do know the cost:

a) figure in Bronze with a pedestal in granite £4,000

b) figure in Bronze with a pedestal in Portland stone £3,500

Arthur Walker in 1910 was commissioned to create a full-size sculpture of Florence Nightingale that would function as the Crimean War Memorial in Waterloo Place, London. He made a number of war memorials including those at Guildhall Derby, Sevenoaks and Dartford in Kent and Ironbridge in Shropshire.

The Vicar was all for the design, though he knew that Horsham alone could not afford such a monument: “it was a most beautiful design, and as a stranger amongst them he felt to a large extent what no doubt others felt, that supposing it was gone forward with and the money was forthcoming, Horsham would possess what, generally speaking, was not possessed by any other place in the country, hardly outside London, a really first class work of art, something that possibly might be the beginning of a movement which might spread throughout the country, erecting really first class statuary symbolic or otherwise, in places other than the metropolis.”

How was Arthur Walker chosen? How did people select their sculptors?

The County Times reported on the process:

The Committee applied for a design to the Architects Committee and also to the Special Committee appointed by the Council of the Royal Academy for advice and assistance in order that the contemplated memorial might be made worthy of the occasion. No reply was received from the first named Council but the Royal Academy Special Committee forwarded their Memorandum of Advice addressed to promoters of war memorials, and stated that such Committee had been formed not to mandate designs, but to give advice at an early stage and generally assist in securing the highest artistic expression for the commemoration of those who had fallen in the War, and that representatives of local committees could consult members of the Royal Academy Committee by arrangement. Mr. Millais offered his services as he knew members personally and this resulted in “being able to obtain drawings of a beautiful form of memorial designed by Mr. Arthur Walker A.R.A. The drawings were presented to the Committee on the 30^th April and presented to the public at the meeting”.

THE COST

Because the proposed design by Mr Walker was so expensive, a debate took place regarding the cost, as reported in the local press; it was strongly suggested that villages outside the town could contribute. Mr Rice gave the “man in the street” view – the sum was enormous “and would not benefit those for which they made the great sacrifice: and that the expenditure should be upon something of a more useful nature”.

The Vicar said it was to be a memorial; the Committee was instructed to look at that and not something useful. Mr Rice said that something of £500 had been mentioned and the meeting took it that £1,000 was the limit. Mr Eager “considered it folly to spend that sum (4,000) on a memorial, however much they appreciated art, spend £1000 at the outside and let the rest be devoted to keeping the children of the fallen and the wives and mothers of those who had given their lives.

Rev Harvey said that those who had suffered and been left behind should not be the recipients of charity, in any shape or form. If the pensions were not sufficient that was the duty of the State and no man should be dependent on charity. Whatever money was raised should not be raised for that”. Further debate over cost and providing money ended with the Vicar saying; “After all you cannot have too beautiful a thing for the object and you cannot have a really beautiful first-class thing without a great deal of money spent for it”.

At the vote 32 for only 2 or 3 against.

THE NAMING

To “the man in the street”, having names of the fallen put on a war memorial is obvious. However, it is in fact a highly-debatable issue, and one that is explored below As I type this the Horsham District Council was holding a meeting of local historians and Councillors, as well as invited interested parties (none attended), to come up with a policy concerning the placing of names on the War Memorial. So in December 2010 it is still an issue. By the time this volume is completed (August 20011) the Council has a policy: names for WWI and WWII will be on the war memorial wall only. Those who died in all other conflicts will be covered by a phrase. As some readers may recall, those who died in WWII were only, until 1991, recorded by a catch-all phrase, with no listing.

Where is Horsham and who is a Horsham person?

A war memorial should have the names of those who died who came from Horsham? Obvious – but:

Horsham town as it was in 1914, when the War started, or as the town grows, the area today covered by Horsham?
Is it Horsham Parish, Horsham Urban District, or Horsham Rural?
Is it only those born in Horsham? What about those who moved here – whatever length of habitation in a place the decision will be arbitrary – i.e. those who lived in Horsham at least three years, seven years etc?
What about those who were born in the town but moved away but whose family still live in the town and for whom this is their place to grieve?

and so on.

It is easier just to have a memorial – but for those who lost a son or daughter and live in the town those questions don’t matter – they may want a public recognition of their loss/sacrifice.

Why names were important

Within the first month of the War starting, the Parish Magazine was publishing a “roll of honour” listing those people who volunteered to fight. Soon the local press were doing the same. But the roll of honour also became a roll of dishonour, as those not on the list; i.e. those who didn’t volunteer, were seen as shirkers or cowards. The naming on the war memorial showed the world your family sacrifice – it was honourable. Gradually, as more and more people died, the roll of honour changed into a listing of the dead. The public got used to this function and act of remembering, so the war memorial turned a paper record into bronze or stone.

The War Memorial also stood in for the grave in a foreign field – the family might not be able to see the grave of their son, but could go to the War Memorial.

The roll of honour and the listing of names also show the involvement of the community. Although the soldier took the “Kings Shilling” and fought under the sovereign’s name it was very much seen as “this country’s” army. And yet at the turn of the 20^th century loyalties were very strong to place and county – regiments were County-based – The Sussex – so by listing the names in a town you retained identity with a place; a sense of local identity. In Sussex this was particularly strong as the County was dominated by a few powerful landowners[194] who still had almost medieval loyalty from the villagers and townsfolk. Not only that but the individual groups within a community, such as friends, church or scouts were linked by the roll of honour and unfortunately all too often by the names on the memorial.

If the names of the people were listed alphabetically then family members were kept together rather than listed in regiments or years of death.

What was the War for?

The making of the list of names also helped to not deal with the difficult question of what the War was for – the War shook the certainties and concentrating on the names meant that it did not matter what the War was about.

The most heated debate took place in the town over the listing of names on the War Memorial. The debate started almost as soon as the War Memorial Committee met. The arguments were aired in public meetings and occasionally in the local paper. It soon became the establishment versus the popular feeling. In essence, the debate boiled down to a memorial as a work of art and dignity or a memorial that would be spoiled by having the names on it. The Committee also thought that the names should be on the Town Hall; not the Memorial. Although long, the accounts are worth reading as they give a true reflection of Post-War Horsham.

1919

At the first public meting held in January 1919 there was no specific mention of placing the names on a memorial, only the creation of a worthy work of art, though in the opening address mention was made of the number of men who had died and creation of a roll of honour. This may have implied that the names would be placed on the Memorial. It was at the 24 May 1919 meeting that the question of placing names on the Memorial was aired, according to the County Times. Interestingly, it wasn’t the Horsham people, but those from the villages who were being asked to help pay for the monumental work of art.

“Mr G.W. Taylor asked if it was intended to put the names of all those in the district round about on this memorial. If not how could they ask them to subscribe. Millais said it was proposed to put all the names up to 500 on it, but if the number exceeded that they would have a dedication only. Mr Thompson said the Committee decided to abandon the names and inscribe the memorial to officers, non-commissioned officers and men.” The debate continued and, according to the paper, “in reply to Mr. Rowland the Vicar said at the first meeting of the committee it was decided not to put the names on it, simply a dedication”.

Obviously, discussions by the War Memorial Committee had taken place outside public hearing for the paper reported the following:

“Mr. Rawlison said it had already been decided that the Horsham names should be recorded in the Church, and from what he heard there was not much doubt that the names of the men in the surrounding parishes would be recorded in each. If that was so, it did not seem at all necessary that the names of those in the district should be recorded on the Memorial in Horsham. That would get rid of the difficulty of providing a space for more than 500. He was told that the number of men in Horsham who had made the great sacrifice was something like 300, and he thought it would be impossible to get all the names on one memorial.

1920

A year later the question of the names hadn’t been satisfactorily resolved, as shown in the following account

“THE NAMES OF THE FALLEN[195]

Forty or fifty…many of them ladies attended the Urban Councils meeting on Wednesday last, they were there for the War Memorial Committee report…

The cost of recording names could only be met by additional contributions to the amount required. Careful and sympathetic consultation had been given to the resolution of the public meeting on February 6^th expressing a strong desire that the names might be placed on the Memorial. It would be just possible to place about 300 names upon the Memorial, but only in comparatively small lettering, but after viewing a specimen panel of the actual size and with the names as they would appear thereon, the Committee were convinced that inscribing the names as suggested would entirely spoil the character of the Memorial and also detract from its simplicity of its design, and they had decided that no names be inscribed on the Memorial itself. Having gone into the matter they had decided the provision of panels on a wall at the back as being extremely unsightly from the northern end of the Carfax, and spoiling the view of the memorial beside the cost being generally regarded as prohibitive. However, there was ample space for the names on the panels on either side of the main entrance to the Town Hall, a considerably protected prominent and honourable position. They had decided that the names be inscribed there and made application for approval and consent of the Council.

Mr. Sendall said that before the Council gave this permission he thought the sentiments of the relatives of the fallen should be considered (applause). He did not think the Committee should have full control without taking the relatives into their confidence.

The Chairman thought they could only give consent or refuse it. A resolution would be a slight and it would be quite against all methods of public business. As the Council initiated the movement, the townspeople elected its own Committee, and there had been at least four or five public meetings, it would not be right for them to go out of their way to alter the decision the Committee might arrive at.

Mr. Roberts said he was given to understand by Mr. Kay, who designed the Memorial that there was room for the names (hear hear loud applause) Mr. Pannett said they could have the block a little higher to accommodate them.

The Clerk, Mr. Slyfield, pointed out that the report said it would entirely spoil the character of the Memorial and detract from the simplicity of the design.

The Chairman said Mr. Kay held the opinion they would spoil it and that was the only reason why they were being left off.

Mr. Pannett proposed that the relatives of the fallen should have a voice (much applause from the ratepayers.

Mr. Rowland wanted to see a proper memorial: not the memorial in one part of the town and the names in another (loud applause).

The Chairman said the applause was not the thing there and was quite out of order.

Continuing – Mr. Rowland complained the Committee had gone outside Horsham. If they confined themselves to Horsham Urban there would be room on the base of the cenotaph for the 270 names, and the smallest lettering would be ¾ of an inch. To say they were going to spoil the memorial by putting names there was an insult to the dead.

Mr. Hunt said he thought members should see both sides. He was on the Memorial Committee, and there were four gentlemen all of whom had lost sons, and not one had broached the subject of names. Not only that, but they had a resolution from the Comrades saying the same thing – they were against the names.

The Chairman said originally the resolution was that the names be not put on the pedestal.

In the end the following proposition was carried “The Council are of opinion that before they give permission for the names to be placed on the Town Hall, the Memorial Committee should take a referendum of the relatives of the dead men to their wishes.”

THE MATTER BECOMES POLITICAL

In April 1920 the Urban District Council held elections, and the issue of placing the names on the War Memorial was obviously for one person a matter of great concern, as the County Times reported. As a side issue it is interesting that a low turn out for local elections isn’t a new phenomenon.

The County Times[196] for 3 April reported that in the local election there was an increase in the number of those that voted, from 33% last year to 47% this. It went on to report that Mr. Charles Rowland came top: “as they knew, he came out on a particular matter, and he was delighted to be at the top in order to show the War Memorial Committee that he was somewhat of a judge of the feelings of the people”. Mr. Trotter, who was elected in third place, was headmaster of Victory Road Boys School and secretary of the Comrades of the Great War (later to be known as The British Legion).

Some two weeks later the County Times[197] published a long letter, written before the results were known but published 18 days later, from which the following extracts are taken:

Letter from Morley Headlam – Chairman of the War Memorial Committee:

Sir – The Urban Council election is over – I do not know who has been elected …I write as Chairman of the War Memorial Committee but without any authority from the Committee to do so. …Every member has given his best time and thought to making the War Memorial as worthy as possible of the noble men who gave their lives in the great war.

Three main questions had to be decided. The design of the memorial, the place of the memorial, the inscription of the names. The place has been settled by unanimous consent, the design has been settled by unanimous consent after two other designs had been suggested. The remaining question of the inscription of the names has presented considerable difficulty.

Everyone agrees that it is very right that the names of those who have given their lives should be inscribed in a public place and in an honourable manner. Everyone agrees that it is very suitable that the names should be on the public memorial if they can be inscribed on it so as to do honour to the names and not detract from the dignity of the men’s own memorial. The Committee have had to decide whether or no on the particular memorial which the public have selected, the names could be inscribed with due honour.

They have taken the greatest trouble to estimate the effect if the names be inscribed on the only place on the monument where they can reasonably be placed. By a large majority they have come to the conclusion that the names though legible by a person standing near would be so crowded together that they would detract from the honour due to them. ….

Nor could I plead that the Committee placed their names there because “the townspeople emphatically desired it”, and because it was in accordance “with the express wishes of those most anxious to commemorate their honoured dead” (I am quoting words from Mr. Charles Rowland letter to the Urban Council electors) …The Committee know perfectly well that there is considerable division of opinion on the subject amongst those most nearly related to the honoured dead; the Committee know also that when a public meeting was called for the express purpose of voicing the desire for the names to be on the memorial, of which Mr. Charles Rowland was himself the Chairman those present did not equal in number even one quarter of the number of noble names to be inscribed. It is right that the Committee should consider the wishes of the representatives of the men who form the other three quarters of the list of honoured dead.

Most of all the Committee are perfectly confident that when the Memorial has been erected with its simple inscription on one side, telling of the men’s honours and our undying gratitude. And on the other side “During the course of the great war over 300 Horsham men gave their lives for their country. Their names enshrined in the hearts of their fellow townspeople are honourably inscribed on the Town Hall of Horsham”.

And the names inscribed for all to see and read on the two panels on the main front of the Town Hall, nearly everyone will agree that the greater honour will have been done to the men who gave their lives for us in the Great War.”

A referendum was suggested but argued against. This led to a spate of letters in the County Times, as the War Memorial Committee would not listen to the views of the relatives of the fallen.

DEBATE CARRIED THROUGH THE LETTERS

5 June 1920

Mrs. Peirce, 56, Queen Street,[198]

I learn that the War Memorial committee has decided not to record the names of the fallen heroes of the Great War on the Memorial. I as the mother of one of the dearest boys that laid down his life for his Country, do strongly object that his name Harold Peirce, should be recorded on anything except the War Memorial which is the proper place and no other.

I can’t think that the War Memorial committee can realise what the dear boys did for them, for me, and the whole country, and I think it disgraceful that the feelings of the bereaved should be treated so trivially, and that their last wish in regard to their loved ones can’t be granted. I am one-of the mothers who signed the petition of 311 for this to be done.”

Dear sir “ Some time ago “A Widow and Mother “with the help of a few friends obtained 311 signatures to a petition to the Horsham War Memorial Committee asking that the names of those Horsham men who had been killed or died on active services during the War should appear on the memorial to be erected in the Carfax.

The petition was sent to the Committee and they decided that the wish of those petitioners should not be acceded to.

Why? Is it because the names are too numerous for that part of the memorial where they should appear? If so make the memorial such that the names can be attached. Is it because of the lack of money? Then raise more. I believe that at some time, in one of the weekly papers, it was stated that £50,000 had been subscribed towards one of the War Loans or invested in War Bonds in Horsham. Compare that to the paltry sum raised to commemorate Horsham’s dead.”

The writers suggested using the interest received from these war loans be used to pay for the memorial.

“In other towns the meetings of war memorial committees have been reported in the local press. Here they are conducted with a consideration for silence and obliterated which it would be hard to equal. Again why? We would like to know their names for surely we who in many cases have given all that matters in the defence of our country, should have some worthy object where the names of our dear ones may show to the end of the time that they had the greater love.

Mrs. J Akehurst, widow,

Mrs. F Tusler, widow,

Mrs. H Wales, mother,

Mr. G Durant, father.

3 July 1920

Dear Sir – As no answer was accorded to the request made three weeks ago in these columns for the names of the Horsham War Memorial Committee I applied to one of them, who supplied with the following names:-

Rev Morley Headlam (chairman), C. Rowland, E.E. Lawrence, F.A. Juckes, W.H.B. Lintott, G.W. Thompson, E.J. Kittle, E.T. Lane, E. Potter, C. Kay, H. W. Bowen, H. C. Hunt, with Gerald Blunt, Rev. G. Wells and E. Piggott (elected by Comrades) and Mr S. Mitchell (Secretary) Now that the Chairman of the Committee (Rev Morley Headlam) has returned from his holiday a Deputation representing 317 relatives who signed the petition is to interview him and to ask that the names of those whom the memorial is to commemorate shall appear on the cenotaph, or that it be modified so that effect may be given to their wishes. Should this prove abortive it is intended to call a public meeting to consider a proposal for the erection of a memorial distinct from the so-called public memorial, in keeping with the wishes of the petitioners. It is sincerely to be hoped, however, that such a course may be avoided. That can only come about by a more sympathetic and a common sense attitude on the part of the Committee as we have the majority of the townspeople at the back of us.

Mrs. J. Akehurst.

PUBLIC PRESSURE WINS OUT

The following letter by the Chairman of the Committee clearly shows that the Committee back down, but rather grudgingly as he makes clear the memorial itself still doesn’t have the names placed on it.

31 July 1920

Letter – Sir,

There are a number of people who will be glad to hear that the Committee have passed a design whereby the names of the fallen will be on the memorial itself. A drawing or model of the design will be on public view. In this notice introducing the design I will add three points which specially commend it to me (1) It will be as near as possible to those desiring to read the names. (2) It will be at an angle most suitable for reading the names (3) Most of all, it is an addition to the original design specially for the purpose of recording the names. The names will thus be brought into more prominence than they would have been if engraved on a part of the memorial not specially provided for them.

The best of all methods for recording the names is to have them in relief on a bronze panel. This is impervious to the weather and more distinctive but is very expensive. If engraved in stone out of doors they are liable to become obscured by the action of the weather unless looked after from time to time, but surely there need be no fear that their names will not receive the very slight attention which is all that is necessary to preserve them perfectly.

Morley Headlam

DESCRIPTION OF THE MEMORIAL

The memorial “consists of an obelisk, with incised Runic cross, and large bronze Crusader sword superimposed. The memorial inscription, with lettering in applied cast bronze, is as follows:- “The Great War 1914-1918 In proud and grateful memory of the men of Horsham who gave their lives for their country” The entire erection is 17ft high, the obelisk standing upon a square base with three wide steps Three panels arranged at an angle over the steps contain the names of the 359 men of the town who made the supreme sacrifice. The steps are of local stone, but the remainder is of Hopton wood stone.” County Times

The architect was Claude Kay who would join with Godman to form the practice Godman and Kay. (The popular commanding officer of the 4^th Royal Sussex Regiment, Lieutenant – Colonel G.R.B. Godman, T.D. was the principal architect). They would design both the Capitol Theatre and The Drill Hall, both buildings linked with the soldiers of the First World War. The Capitol was built for the Blue Flash cinema company, a company formed to give employment to bandsmen from the Royal Sussex Regiment, whilst the drill hall was both a military and civic venue.[199]

THE UNVEILING – 13 November 1921

The County Times recorded the event in full; the service at the unveiling was quite short. The weather on the day was “frost but bright and fine weather, quite unlike gloomy November”. At the ceremony there was a space for the dignitaries and for the relatives of the 359 named. The principal people involved in the ceremony met at the Town Hall, then at 2.48pm marched to the Memorial. The Regimental Band played on the Bandstand. The unveiling was performed by Maj. Gen. Young, Colonel of the County Regiment, The Royal Sussex. After the service the War Memorial was formally handed over by the Vicar (Chairman of the Memorial Committee) to the Chairman of Horsham Urban District Council, Mr Hunt who said “On behalf of the Council may I say we shall ever consider it our bounden duty to always keep and properly preserve this memorial.”

The County Times reported that in total 2050 joined the Forces from Horsham and 359 laid down their lives, and that of the 300 boys from the Church Lads Brigade cadets who went out to fight, 53 didn’t return.

The County Times also reported that “Much interest has been shown each evening this week at the excellent reproduction of Sunday’s ceremony in all its stages at the Central Hall in North Street. The pictures have been a decided hit, and trouble with the electric light on Monday night only served to accentuate the eagerness. It has been the same with Mr. E.W. Copnall’s splendid enlarged photo of the opening ceremony, which has been exhibited in his showcase in North Street and has attracted crowds.”

The paper then listed the 359 names in alphabetical order.

THE NATIONAL REMEMBRANCE

Whilst Horsham had its War Memorial the town was mirroring the civic, state and royal response to the loss. The most notable was the creation of a Cenotaph, a temporary structure that became permanent, and the two minutes’ silence.

CENOTAPH

Originally intended as a small part of the Peace Day events of July 1919, the Cenotaph was designed and built by Edwin Lutyens at the request of the then Prime Minister Lloyd George.
Literally meaning ‘Empty Tomb’ in Greek, the Cenotaph was initially a wood and plaster construction intended for the first anniversary of the Armistice in 1919. At its unveiling, the base of the monument was spontaneously covered in wreaths to the dead and missing from the Great War. Such was the extent of public enthusiasm for the construction it was decided that the Cenotaph should become a permanent and lasting memorial. Made from Portland stone, it was unveiled in 1920. The inscription reads simply “The Glorious Dead”.

Two Minutes’ Silence

“All locomotion should cease, so that, in perfect stillness, the thoughts of everyone may be concentrated on reverent remembrance of the glorious dead”.

The Armistice was signed at 5am in a railway carriage in the Forest of Compiegne, France on November 11, 1918. Six hours later, at 11am, the War ended. The first Remembrance Day was conducted in 1919 throughout Britain and the Commonwealth. Originally called Armistice Day, it commemorated the end of hostilities the previous year. It came to symbolise the end of the War and provide an opportunity to remember those who had died. In a letter published in the London Evening News on 8 May 1919, an Australian journalist, Edward George Honey, proposed a respectful silence to remember those who had given their lives in the First World War. This was brought to the attention of King George V and on 7 November 1919, the King issued a proclamation which called for a two minute silence. After the end of the Second World War in 1945 Armistice Day became Remembrance Day to include all those who had fallen in the two World Wars and later conflicts.

AFTER THE UNVEILING – THE CHANGING FORTUNES OF HORSHAM WAR MEMORIAL

The question of the names on the War Memorial didn’t end with its unveiling, as letters in the files of the Horsham Urban District Council show.

On 30 September 1923 Nellie Vesta Laughton of The Croft wrote to the Chairman of the Urban District Council stating “it is my wish as part of a memorial to my Husband to make permanent the names of our Horsham War Memorial is that Bronze Tablets be placed around the base & steps made intact (“instead of” crossed out) I ask the Council to accept this request.”

This may have been the result of the passing of the War Memorials Act on 18 July 1923 which gave the power to local authorities to look after the war memorials and “in the care of the parish council or parish meeting be limited to an amount which will not involve a rate exceeding a penny in the pound for any financial year”, subject to the approval of the County Council. As Horsham was spending the money as an Urban District Council, approval from the Minister of Health, with no amount specified was sought.

On 12 December, Nellie wrote again asking what could be done. This spurred the Council into action. So it was on 24 December that the Clerk to the Council wrote to the Secretary, Ministry of Health, informing the Ministry that “At the next meeting of my Council a motion will be moved in the following terms” That, as the names upon the War Memorial are becoming unreadable, the slabs be removed, steps made intact, and the names recorded upon brass (crossed out, replaced with bronze) panels to be erected round the base”, and if such expenditure was allowed under the terms of the act as “reasonable in the maintenance, repair and protection”. On 31 December the “man from the ministry” said yes.

So on the 30 January Mrs. Laughton’s motion was given. But nothing happened. It remained that way until 24 November 1927 when Mrs. Laughton asked for the following motion to be read into the council meeting: “The Council as custodians of the War Memorial arrange for the cleaning of the same – also that they take steps to preserve the names, some of which are becoming very indistinct.”

A year later, on 4 September, the British Legion held a special meeting when they were shown a cardboard model of the memorial and the list of names. Both were approved.

On 19 September 1929, one year later, the Council wrote to the Minister of Health setting out the improvements to the war memorial (the existing tablets taken from the base of the existing monument and the steps made good, the tablets re-cut and names re-written and built into a stone wall). The cost of the work would be £145, with the balance of the War Memorial Fund being used reducing it to £137. The work was to be completed by Armistice Day 1929. To ensure that the list of names was correct a typed list was drawn up and checked with the names on the war memorial; one note, for example, states: Copper F, initial worn away.

The Minister approved the expenditure with a note that “The reasonableness of any expenditure actually incurred will be a matter for the consideration of the District Auditor at the audit”. The plan by C. G. Atkinson, Engineer and Surveyor, drawn up in February 1929 was approved and alterations made. By 4February 1931 the War Memorial Fund had sent a cheque for the outstanding balance, £8 17. 11d, and closed the account.

TREATING THE MEMORIAL WITH RESPECT

In a number of the images of the war memorial it is decked out in flowers and wreathes. This, as the files of the Urban District Council show, caused a number of problems.

In 1935 Nellie Laughton had obviously laid flowers or wreathes at the war memorial, but had them removed by the Council. The Council, as early as 28December 1921, had taken on the responsibility for the memorial, instructing the Surveyor “to take the entire responsibility for maintenance and care of the Memorial”. The Council hoped to discuss her complaint in private after a council meeting, but Nellie would have none of it: attracting the support of two other councillors she made her motion public: “The employees of the Council be given instructions not to remove ratepayers’ belongings from the Town’s War Memorial”; i.e. wreaths. The British Legion gave its comments on the motion that flowers and wreaths should be allowed and “normally no flags”. Its view was taken into account when the final motion was approved: namely, that flowers and wreathes would be allowed, but flags or decorations would not be without the consent of the Council, though the British Legion on application would be allowed to place a flag on 11 November. It was therefore agreed that provision be made in the budget for the names to be repainted and the Surveyor to place seasonal flowers.

The importance of the war memorial should not be forgotten; it was a highly political and emotional space. In the autumn of 1938 the Horsham Branch of the International Friendship League wrote to the Council “to register its resentment at Mrs. Laughton’s actions in interfering with the wreath placed by the German guests of the Horsham British Legion on the War Memorial. The Committee feels that Mrs. Laughton’s action was calculated to nullify the friendly feeling which is being fostered both by the British Legion and the International Friendship League between the British-German peoples, and other foreign guests to Horsham, and it is in direct opposition to the aim of the IFL.” The council referred back to previous correspondence and resolutions, ending up with the comment that “if any organisation desired to place a wreath in ceremony on the Memorial the Surveyor be first notified”.

So matters rested with the war memorial – till 1944 when new discussions took place.

WAR GRAVES

Although the war memorial was the public face, it should not be forgotten that some burials took place at Horsham cemetery sites, Hills and Denne. As the letters file of Horsham Urban District Council shows, even the burials here became quite complicated as the government, through the Imperial War Grave Commission, became involved, seeking to give the war dead due honour. In fact, a great deal of confusion arose. On 1 September 1924 the Imperial War Graves Commission wrote asking for the correct plot and grave number of G.E. Butt, who was buried on 29 February 1916. The reply by the clerk revealed that the War Graves Commission record was different from their records, resulting in a full list of the plot numbers of the graves being drawn up: there were nine differences. This led to a further detailed audit of the graves, with a list of:

the names
section in the cemetery
number
whether purchased
the nature of monument at grave, and
whether the grave was now looked after by relatives.

Another list was drawn up of where the person died. In all, 33 were buried at Hills and one at Denne Road cemetery.

On 3 December 1924 the Burial Board wrote to the relatives of those who had gravestones, asking for permission to erect a military headstone designed by the Imperial War Graves Commission. In one case the Clerk reported to the commission that “We have some difficulty in tracing the relatives of a Canadian soldier buried in our Cemetery.” The War Graves Commission wrote back on 8 December 1924 saying that before they erect the headstones, they write to the next of kin.

In January 1925 an agreement was drawn up between the Burial Board and the War Graves Commission that in return for five shillings per year for each grave, the nine graves at Hills will be looked after, whilst the remaining 23 (24 including Denne) will be maintained by the relatives, though if they fail to do so, the Imperial War Graves Commission should be informed.

The checking of records did not finish there. In September 1925 the War Graves Commission asked for further information on C. E. Parker who died on 24.8.1916. The Clerk replied that unfortunately the records did not record the address from which the burials took place, nor the units in which the men served.

By February 1927 a grant for the right to burial of the war dead had been signed and sealed and dealt with. However, there was a telephone call from the War Graves Commission, which wanted to know why no local mason was employed to erect the headstone. The answer was simple: no local mason submitted a tender, so the work went to Messrs Bunyard & Sons of Hove.

Soldiers who served and later died of their wounds were also given a war grave, though their names were often not placed on the war memorial. So it was that in 1928 correspondence took place with Mrs. Smart concerning Sergeant Smart, Machine Gun Corps whose burial took place on 1 May 1920, but didn’t receive a headstone.

This was followed in 1930 by the conveyance of the grave of Portuguese soldier Manuel De Sept J Matos; his tragic death was reported in The County Times in September 1918[200] whilst, at the same time, the Canadian soldier’s grave was passed over to the commission to pay Horsham Burial Board to maintain as the relatives had stopped doing so.

SHOOTING TRAGEDY AT ROFFEY CAMP

Accidental death

A tragic affair at the Roffey Siege School where several batteries of Portuguese heavy artillery are stationed, was inquired into by Mr F. W. Butler, Coroner for the District, at Horsham Town Hall yesterday (Friday) afternoon. The inquest was on the body of Manoel de Mattos, jun., gunner in the second battery. He was 22 years of age, and came from the Oporto district to Horsham this year. Mr H C Hunt was foreman of the jury who first viewed the body at the mortuary. 2^nd Lieut. Carlos da Silva, Liaison officer at the R.A. mess acted as interpreter.

A trumpeter in the Second Battery said that at 11.10 am. on Thursday he was in hut No. 4, C. Lines, watching Gunner Machado cleaning a pistol which an officer had given him to clean. Deceased was sitting about two yards from the soldier who was cleaning the pistol. Witness was lacing up his boots when he heard the report. Looking up he saw that deceased had fallen on the floor. They were not talking at the time and appeared the best of friends. Gunner Machado made no remark before or after, and commenced to cry and appeared to be very sad. They always appeared the best of friends. Witness had not heard these two quarrelling.

1^st Corporal Jose Molerro attached to the same Battery said he saw Gunner Machado cleaning the pistol. He was three or four yards from him and saw deceased fall. He had the pistol in both hands at the time and it was not intentionally pointed at the deceased. To the best of his belief they were the best of friends.

Gunner Victorino Joaquin of the 2^nd Battery said he was lying on his bed in hut No. 4 C. Line, when deceased entered and asked him if could borrow some brooms to clean up the sergeants hut. Gunner Machado was cleaning a pistol at the next bed, and as deceased walked past to where the brooms were witness heard the report of the pistol and saw deceased fall.

Gunner Machado said he did not know the pistol was loaded. He had cleaned it once before when it was not loaded. He was cleaning the mechanism of the pistol and had it by both hands. He did not see deceased enter the hut. He was pressing the trigger so as not to leave it cocked, and it went off. He saw the deceased fall.

Second Lieutenant Custodio Ferriera da Costa Guinaroes who gave Machado the pistol to clean said he used it in France about six months ago and could not understand how the cartridges came to be in the pistol. They might have been in the piston ever since he left France. He had had no occasion to use the weapon since. His servant was not a first class servant and was very ignorant.

Mr. F. W. E. Kinneir, Civil surgeon at the Military Hospital in Kings Road said he was on duty there at 11.15 when they telephoned from the camp that there was a wounded soldier there. Witness sent an ambulance up and deceased was brought down two Portuguese doctors accompanying him. The man was dead when admitted. There was a contused bullet wound over the left orbit.

On making the post mortem he found the bullet in the base of the skull: it had penetrated the brain and torn it. There was extensive haemorrhage. Death was due to haemorrhage and shock. The jury returned a verdict of Accidental Death.

The following role of honour was taken from The County Times. A full account of the lives of the servicemen can be found in Horsham’s Heroes by Mr G.T.Cooper.

HORSHAM ROLL OF HONOUR 1914
Ballam, Geo.	24, Oakhill Road	H.M.S. Good Hope, sunk off Chili	November 1^st
Burchell, Geo.	15, Stanley Street	Royal Sussex Regt.	October 30^th
Burstow, F	50, Spencer’s Road	Lancashire Fusiliers	Missing Sept 4^th
Collins, E.T.	21, New Town	Coldstream Guards	October 22^nd
Collins, John	2, Park Terrace West	2^nd Batt Royal Sussex Regt	October 31^st
Dinnage, A.	16, Queen Street	R.W. Surrey Regt. (Queen’s)	November 7^th
Goodridge, G. T.	2, Shelley Road	Dragoon Guards, died in Germany	November 1^st
Grinstead, A.E.	26, Spencer’s Road	Queens R .W. Surrey	October 23^rd
Isaacs, H	13, Swindon Road	2^nd Batt. R. Sussex	Sept 10^th
Jupp, Albert E.	22, Park Street	Queens R. W. Surrey,	October 31^st
Matthews, Drummer P.	Kempshott Road	W. Kent Regiment	December 18^th
Richardson, A. H.	32, Clarence Road	Hampshire Regt.	October 30^th – Nov 2^nd
Soper, A. J.	18, Market Square	2^nd King’s R Rifles,	September 23^rd
Staples, Corporal A.A.	11, Chilwell Terrace	2^nd Beds. Regt	October 29^th
Sturt, Corporal John	42, Bishopric	Queen’s R.W. Surrey	October 31^st
Tester, Thomas	53, Station Road	H.M.S. Good Hope, sunk off Chile	November 1^st
Woolven, Wm. T	12, Little Haven Lane	9^th Royal Sussex	September 25th
1915
Agate, C.S.M. A.T.	37, West Street	4^th Royal Sussex	August 24^th
Arnold, Lieut. Hugh	Causeway House	Northumberland Fusiliers	August 7-11^th
Bostock, Capt.A.T.	28, Causeway	Northumberland Fusiliers	September 30^th
Brooks, Sergt. P. W.	32, Victory Road	2^nd South Lancs, Regt	September 25^th
Brown, Alfred J.	21, Bishopric	4^th Royal Sussex	August 9^th
Burchell, Albert E	15, Stanley Street	4^th Royal Sussex	August
Chase, Corporal A.	38, Crawley Road	4^th Batt Rifle Brigade	May 15^th
Cole, Francis G.	4, Percy Road	Wireless Operator, R.N.	June 5^th
Collins, R.	21, New Town	Coldstream Guards	Jan 17^th
Collins, V.L.J.	75, Clarence Road	Argyle & Suth Highlanders	October 4^th
Cook, Corpl. E.W.	56, North Street	4^th Royal Sussex	September 3^rd
Coomber, Herbert	122, Brighton Road	4^th Royal Sussex	August 29^th
Coomber, Thos	122, Brighton Road	9^th Welsh Regiment	September 15^th
Eason, Albert	26, Queen Street	4^th Kings Royal Rifles	March 1^st and 2^nd
Eason, Henry	26, Queen Street	7^th Royal Sussex	October 6^th
Ellis, E.G.	Bowling Green, Hurst Rd	4^th Sussex	August 26^th
Gadd, C. H.	31, Springfield Road	10^th Hampshire	Missing – Killed
Glaysher, Sergt A. E.	Warnham Road	4^th Royal Sussex	December 6^th
Godden, Arthur T.	26, Swindon Road	2^nd Batt. Royal Sussex	May 9^th
Goodger, Edwin	56, Park Terrace East	HMS Triumph Torpedoed	May 26^th
Gooding, Corpl. G.B.	“Lyndhurst”	7^th Rifle Brigade	July 24^th
Green, William	134, Crawley Road	2^nd Royal Sussex	August 29^th
Hammond, A.B.S.H.	17, Swindon Road	HMS Submarine	December 26^th
Jennings, J.	64, Bishopric	4^th Royal Sussex	August 10^th
Juckes, Lieut. T.R.	14, Carfax	2^nd Batt. Royal Sussex	May 9^th
Juckes, Sec-Lieut G.F.	14, Carfax	6^th Batt. Rifle Brigade	July 7^th
Jupp, Geo. H..	22, Park Street	3^rd Batt. Royal Sussex	May 9^th
Knight, Percy	220, Crawley Road	2^nd Batt. Royal Sussex	May 9th
Lassly, Norman	7, Queen Street	Hon Artillery Co.	September 9
Lintott,Lieut, R.	11, Carfax	London Rifle Brigade	May 3rd
Lintott, Sub-Lieut W.	Parkfield	R.N.R. Nelson Batt	July 12^th
Matthews, C..H.	6, Park Terrace West	4^th Royal Sussex	August 15^th
Mitchell, Alfred	4, Park Terrace West	2/4^th Royal Sussex	November 19^th
Nightingale, A.F.	3, London Road	Motor Transport Driver	February 15th
Paish, Lance-Corpl. A.W.	10, Linden Terrace	Australian Field Force	July 12^th
Parker, Ernest	16, Tanyard Lane	4^th Royal Sussex	August 15^th
Richardson, L-Cpl. V.D.	67, St. Leonard’s Road	4^th Royal Sussex	October 2^nd
Steadman, Percy C.	1, Brighton Road	4^th Royal Sussex	August 29^th
Steele, Sergt. Oliver	12a, Springfield Road	R.F.A. Drowned	August 22^nd
Sturt, Sergt. James	42, Bishopric	7^th East Surrey Regt	October 4^th
Thomson, Percy	3, St Ives, Kempshott Rd	3^rd Royal Sussex	January 26^th
Tomkins, Sergt. C.A.	28, Stanley Street	10^th Hampshire Regiment	August 21^st
Twigg, Sergt. G.E.	7, Bishopric	3^rd Batt King’s R Rifles	August 5^th
Walder, W.E.	4a, Little Haven Lane	4^th Royal Sussex	September 20^th
Wales, Sergt. Cecil	31,Swindon Road	2^nd Royal Sussex	May 9^th
Webb, Alfred W.	32,Stanley Street	2^nd Royal Sussex	May 9^th
1916
Ansell, Fredk. G.	35, Brighton-road	22^nd Royal Fusiliers	August 1^st
Bailey, Herbert J.	Star Hotel, Roffey	H.M.S. “Acasta”	May 31^st
Barker, Lc-Sergt. W.G.	34, Trafalgar Road	12^th Royal Sussex	April 22^nd
Bascombe, W.J.	87, Park Street	22^nd Royal Fusiliers	July 27^th
Brooker, Arthur	250, Crawley Road	H.M.S. “Invincible”	May 31^st
Brooker, David H.	22, Burford Road	R.F.A.	August 9^th
Burstow, Charles N.	Westlands	Royal Flying Corps	April 26^th
Butt, Sergt. G.E.P.B.	17, Trafalgar Road	R.A.M.C. (68^th F. Amb)	February 22^nd
Champ, Herbert	Kempshott Road	H.M.S. Black Prince	May 31^st
Charman, A.C.	5, Stanley Street	8^th Batt Rifle Brigade	January 16^th
Charman, A.W.	4, St Ives, Kempshott Road	2/4 Royal Sussex	July 20^th
Chart, Reginald	30, North Street	King’s Royal Rifles	July 24^th
Comper, T.J.	18, Victory Road	7^th Royal Sussex	July 7^th
Dale, Albert	8, Pump Alley	2/4^th Royal Sussex (Warwick)	July 19^th
Denman, Albert George	175, Crawley Road	2^nd Northamptonshire Regt.	November 18th
Dinnage, Corpl. G.	2, Osbrook Cottages Kempshott Rd	R.F.C.	December 24^th
Edwards, Arthur	34, Trafalgar Road	Middlesex Regiment	August 28^th
Evans, C.A.	46, Stanley Street	Royal West Kents	November 9^th
Greenfield, Sergt. Alfred	42, Barrington-road	Civil Service Regt.	September 15^th
Hall, Charles	66, Bishopric	East Surrey Regt.	September 30th
Hammond, Sergt. H.E.	21, Barttelot Road	Sussex Yeomanry	November 29^th
Harnott, Albert E.	154, New Street	Hampshire Regiment	October 23rd
Harwood, Ernest	2, Chesworth Cottages Brighton Rd	2^nd Batt King’s Royal Rifles	July 1^st
Hewitt, William	49, St Leonard’s Road	2/4 Royal Sussex (Warwick)	July 19^th
Hoare, Lc-Corpl. A	4, Randall Terrace, Oakhill	Royal Engineers	September 22^nd
Huggett, George	8, St. Leonard’s Road	R.A.M.C.	August 2^nd
Huntley, J.	West Street	51^st Batt. Australian Infantry	August 22^nd
Kensett, C. Edward	Dog Kennel Cotts, Oakhill	R.G.A., P&O Liner “Maloja”, mined off Dover	February 27^th
Kenyon, Lieut C.W.	Holme Lea, Rusper Road	10^th Royal Sussex	March 16^th
Knight, George W.	21, Victory Road	H.M.S. “Black Prince”	May 31st
Meredith, Jas	164, Crawley Road	10^th Royal Sussex	August 31^st
Mills, C.Q.M.S., C.F.	9, Kempshott Road	1^st Batt Ontario Regt.	July 6^th
Moulding, Private A.	34, Park Terrace East	Middlesex Regiment	August 25^th
Myson, Henry	Swindon Cottages, Swindon Road	7^th Royal West Kent	January
Oddie, Lieut. F.A.J.	North Lodge	Royal Berks	October 23^rd
Parker, Charles F.	42,Park Terrace East	2/5 Queens, now Prov. Batt.	August 24^th
Parker, Ernest	36, Park Terrace East	Royal West Kent Regt.	November 13^th
Parsons, Robert	Cleveland Cottages, Brighton Road	2^nd Grenadier Guards	September 25^th
Pannell, Albert	24, Newtown	Royal Fusiliers	November 4^th
Peirce, Harold, Act-Cp.	25, Queen Street (late Swindon Rd)	Gloucestershire Regiment	November 18^th
Pickett, Sidney J.	4, Little Haven Lane	H.M.S. “Black Prince”	May 31^st
Rowland, L. Cpl. Geoffrey	18, Madeira Avenue	Royal Sussex	September 3^rd
Sendall, H.K.	36, Little Haven Lane	2^nd Royal Sussex Regt	July 23^rd
Simmons, Ernest G.	21, Crawley Road	R.F.A.	March 6^th
Slaughter, F.D.	19, Station Road	East Surrey Regt.	July 22^nd
Slaughter, A.G.	19, Station Road	Royal Berkshire Regt.	July 3^rd
Smith, H	14, Spencers Road	H.M.S. “Flint” sunk in Channel	October 26^th
Summerfield, Henry	7, Milton Road	7^th Royal Sussex	April 16^th
Talbot, Sc-Lieut. S.A.	34, South Street	9^th Royal North Lancs.	October 19^th
Tourle, F.	13, Market Square	Middlesex Regiment	July 1^st
Tullett,C.	6, New Street	23^rd London Regt.	October 13^th
Tussler, Lnc-Corp. G.	53, Trafalgar Road	Grenadier Guards	September 15^th
West, Vernon	Electricity Works	Royal Sussex	September 15^th
White, Jack W.	10,West Parade	9^th Royal Sussex	November 18^th
Wood, F.T.	2, Swindon Cottages, Swindon Road	H.M.S. “Invincible”	May 31^st
Woodhatch, Wm.	18, Stanley Street	Royal Warwickshire Regt.	July 19^th
Wright, Bernard G.	20, Market Square	13^th Royal Sussex	October 21^st
1917
Agate, Captain Harold	37, West Street	Queens Westminster	April 14th
Akehurst, Lc. Corp. J.	31, Trafalgar Road	13^th Royal Sussex	March 2^nd
Ayling, Corp. B	31, Park Street	Royal Sussex	July 31^st
Baker, Lieut. Q.M. James	Chennells House, Rusper Rd	R.F.A.	June 4^th
Batchelor, W	64, Brighton Road	Royal Fusiliers	February 27^th
Bickerstaff, Corp. W. J.	60, Brighton Road	New Zealand Engineers	December 17^th
Booker, Harry	32, Gladstone Road	Royal Sussex Regt	August 9^th
Bostock, 2^nd Lieut. E.L.	28, Causeway	Royal Berks Regiment	April 5^th
Bostock 2^nd Lieut. N.S.	28, Causeway	R.F.A.	April 22^nd
Brooker, Sergt. Alf R.	250, Crawley Road	R.F.A.	June 24^th
Brooks, Wm.	19, Barrington Road	Royal Sussex	February 8^th
Burchell, Wm.	21, Gladstone Road	Royal Sussex	August 1st
Champ, Victor	Kempshott Road	Royal Sussex	March 26^th
Champ, E.C.	Kempshott Road	Queen’s (W. Surrey)	May 3^rd
Charman, G.F.	74, Spencers Road	Canadian Contingent	March 23^rd
Charman, Sec Lt. J.E.	13, St. Leonard’s Road	Royal Sussex	September 25^th
Chase, G.W.	18, Cambridge Road	11^th Royal Fusiliers	February 17^th
Chase, Wm.	85, Crawley Road	R.G.A. “Gassed”	August 17^th
Chatten, R.F.	7, Norfolk Terrace	R.F.A.	November 3^rd
Clark, Sergt. Nelson	59, New Street	K.L. North Staffs	February 14^th
Cooper, Edwin	43, St. Leonard’s Road	Royal Sussex	March 26th
Dinnage, Corp. S.P.	20, Norfolk Road	Rifle Brigade	March 30th
Dinnage, George	41, Park Street	Royal Sussex	November 7^th
Edwards, F.G.	34, Trafalgar Road	Royal Sussex Regt.	September 23^rd
Eggleton, J	19, Park Street	Middlesex Regiment	August
Fagg, Sapper A.R.	29, Causeway	Royal Engineers	January 25^th
Florance, J.C.	13, Denne Road	Royal Sussex missing	March 26^th
Fuller, A.W.	29, North Parade	Royal Sussex	December 17^th
Gilbert, John P.	34, Oakhill Road	R.F.A.	September 28^th
Greenfield, Gunner S.	159, Crawley Road	R.G.A.	August 13^th
Hards, Levi John	1, West Parade	Royal Sussex Regt.	August 10^th
Hedger, Gerald	88, New Street	West Kent Yeomanry	October 4th
Hoare, Chas. H	17, Barrington Road	Queen’s Own Canadian	February 26^th
Jenden, Lc. Corp. E	57, St Leonard’s Road	Worcester Regt.	January 25th
Jupp, Geo. Stephen	62, Bishopric	Royal Fusiliers	May 1^st
Jupp, Geo. Wm.	78, Bishopric	R.A.M.C.	June 2^nd
Jupp, Wm	22, Park Street	East Surrey Regiment	August 9^th
Jupp, Percy	28, Barttelot Terrace	16^th Batt. Aus. Imp. Force	October 22^nd
Jupp, Pte. John H.	5, Littlehaven Lane	6^th East Kent	May 3^rd
Knight, Sergt. John	11, New Town	Royal Sussex	April 12^th
Leighton, F	7, Albion Road	Royal Sussex Regiment	November 20^th
Liley, Sergt. H.V.	75, Crawley Road	Royal Sussex	November 7^th
Lipscombe, H.E.	55, North Street	R.G.A.	November 2^nd
Luxford, Corp. A.E.	Park Street	Royal Sussex	May 6^th
Luxford, C.	Greenfield Farm, Roffey	West Kents	December 22nd
Madgwick, W.J.	71, Trafalgar Road	H.M.S. Begonia	October 6^th
Matthews, Thomas	Mill Farm Cott	Royal Sussex	March 26^th
Mills, Philip	31, St. Leonard’s Rd	Royal West Kents	April 11^th
Moulding, Richard	22, Park Terrace West	Royal Fusiliers	December 22^nd
Neeves, J.C.	12, Springfield Road	East Kent Buffs	June 24^th
Nightingale, Sidney W.	3, London Road	R.F.A.	June 22^nd
Nightingale, R.A.	3, London Road	Australian Imp. Forces	June
Parsons, Allan G	18, Nelson Road	R.F.A.	August 6th
Pesterfield, E.G.	123, Crawley Road	Royal Sussex	April 19^th
Piggott, Joseph	23, Burford Road	The Buffs	April 11^th
Powell, W.A.	31, Queen Street	R.A.M.C.	April 24^th
Quested, C.S.M.H.	4, Chilwell Terrace	Royal Sussex	April 24th
Reynolds, G.V.	120, Clarence Road	Royal Sussex	March 26^th
Rowland, S	19, Bedford Road	Royal Dublin Fusiliers	August 10^th
Scutt, Edwin	19, New Street	Royal Sussex	July 31st
Stone, Lc. Corp C.	New Street	1^st Dorsets (M.G. Section)	December 23^rd
Thompson, W	3, Swindon Road	Royal Fusiliers	July
Thompson, Peter	8, Victoria Street (late 10 Park Street)	Royal Fusiliers	April 23^rd
Voice, Sergt. George	1, Linden Terrace	Royal West Kents	December 4^th
Walker, Hugh	34, Park Street	Royal Fusiliers	September 29^th
Woodhatch, I	18, Stanley Street	Royal Fusiliers	November 20^th
Wyatt, Denis	2, West Parade	H.M.S. “Black Prince”	May 31^st
Young, Lieut. R.P.	Wellington Road	4^th Sussex Regt	December 17^th
1918
Aldridge,Corp. Norman	14, Arthur Road	Army Pay Office	October 30th
Ballam, Jesse	34, Oakhill Road	H.M.S. “Opal”	January 12^th
Bargent, J.R.	68, Brighton Road	Royal Navy	September 19^th
Barnard, Percy H	Trafalgar Road	H.M.S. “Sylph”	July 27^th
Batcock, Lieut, T.W.	“Ashlyns” Kings Road	East Lancs	March 21^st
Botting, E.G.	25, Crawley Road	Northumberland Fusiliers	February 1^st
Bowers, Arm. Sgt. W	11, Victory Road	Army Ordnance Corps	October 11^th
Brockless, F.A.	Arthur House	Royal West Surrey	March 23^rd
Browning, H.N.	67, Trafalgar Road	Stafford Regiment	May 14^th
Brown, E.C.	4, St Leonard’s Road	Royal Sussex	August 1^st
Burchell, Ernest	34, South Street	Royal Fusiliers	April 3^rd
Burchell, Raymond	11, Stanley Street	2^nd Bedfordshire Regt.	October 23^rd
Burgess, W.A.	59, East Street	A.S.C.	October 17^th
Carter, Sergt W.	33, Rusper Road	Royal Sussex	March 22^nd – 26^th
Caplin, 2^nd Corp. H.J.	29, Queen Street	Royal Engineers	July 5^th
Collins, J.H.	12, Clarence Road	Royal Sussex	March 4^th
Cox, Lc. Corp. A.G.	23 Devonshire Road	Royal Sussex	March 22^nd
Cook, Corp. A.J.W.	33, Kempshott Road	South Wales Borderers	April 24^th
Cosens, W.	71, London Road	7^th Buffs	March 23^rd
Crisp, W.M.	89, Clarence Road	Royal Naval Division	September 3^rd
Cumper, A.W.	88, Bishopric	Royal Engineers	November 9^th
Curtis, 2^nd Lieut J.S.	Comptons Lane	Rifle Brigade	March 23^rd
Cutler, 2^nd Lieut. L.D.	Arundel House	London Regiment	October 3^rd
Daniels, E	8, Victory Road	Tank Corps	October 17^th
Dumbrell, S.J.	10, Barttelot Road	Buffs	March 21^st
Evans, Lc. Corp. Jim	36, Burford Road	Norfolk Regiment	August 8^th
Egans, Wm	46, Stanley Street	Royal Engineers	November 23^rd
Eason, Jack	1, New Town	Royal Navy	October 13^th
Francis, Ernest	28, Springfield Road	Royal Defence Corps	February 8^th
Francis, James	28, Springfield Road	8^th Batt Queen’s R.W.S.	October 11^th
Gates, W.H.	74, Brighton Road	South Lancs	August 29^th
Gibson, Lc. Corp. S.J.	76, Spencers Road	Royal Sussex	September 18^th
Goacher, Arthur	1, Morth Gardens	Royal Sussex	April 21^st
Gravett Lc. Corp. J	30, Denne Parade	9th Royal Sussex	November 4^th
Hayes, Lieut. C.G.	41, North Parade	Royal Engineers	April 9^th
Hemsley, 2^nd Lieut. E.J.	Clarenden House	Royal Sussex	September 4^th
Hillman, C.T.	3, Stanley Street	Berkshire Regt.	May 25^th
Holland, Capt. Chas	“Dunedin” Kings Road	R.F.C.	January 25^th
Holland, Capt A.	“Dunedin” Kings Road	R.A.F.	September 21^st
Howard, Sergt. C.A.	22, Park Terrace East	Queen’s Royal West Surrey	April 1^st
Jackson, J.W.	2, Purton Road	Lancers	March 21^st
Jupp, Henry H	New Street	Royal Engineers	July 17^th
Kent, H	94, Trafalgar Road	13^th London Regt	September 13^th
King, Private A	24, Burford Road	8^th Sussex Pioneers	November 23^rd
Kittle, Lieut. F.A.L.	1, Carfax	Dragoon Guards	October 10^th
Knight, Sergt. W.G.	62, Park Terrace East	Leicestershire Regt	October 3^rd
Knight, Gunner G	8, West Parade	R.F.A.	April 5^th
Lawrence, Arthur	13, New Town	Royal Sussex	September 4^th
Lillywhite,Lc. Corp. A.	125, Crawley Road	Royal Sussex	August 1^st
Maple, A.J.	9, Spencers Road	Household Batt	January 2^nd
Millais, Capt. G. de C.	Comptons Brow	Bedfordshire Regiment	August 22^nd
Miller, Lieut. B.H.C.	11, Norfolk Road	Australian Force	April 25^th
Mitchell, J.W.	Rock House, Roffey	Royal Sussex	April 10^th
Myson, Sergt. Maj. E.	37, Trafalgar Road	Coldstream Guards	March 28^th
Myson, G.W.	19, Percy Road	R.F.A.	April 5^th
Osborne, G.V.	15, Stanley Street	10^th Hants Regt.	September 1st
Oxford, H.A.	23, Barttelot Road	M.T., A.S.C.	September 28^th
Parker, A.H.	39, Park Terrace East	4^th Royal Fusiliers	October 24th
Parsons, H.	Trafalgar Road	Sussex Yeomanry	May 6^th
Pentecost. Lc. Corp. C.	28, Littlehaven Lane	Sherwood Foresters	August 21^st
Roberts, Lionel T.	Station Hotel	Australian Force	August 11^th
Russel, Ralph	15, Albion Terrace	Royal Sussex	April 14^th
Steele, George M.	12b, Springfield Road	Royal Sussex	July 29^th
Taylor, Thomas	Post Office, Roffey	Machine-Gun Corps	September 28th
Thompson, 2^nd Lieut. W. M.	“The Nook” , Rushams Rd	R.A.F.	October 21^st
Tupper, G.	19, Burford Road	M.T.,A.S.C.	October 25th
Wheeler, Victor	36, New Street	Rifle Brigade	September 7^th
Whitting, Walter C.	33, Park Street	1^st Norfolks	August 22^nd
Whitner, Sergt.	41, Swindon Road	Royal Sussex	March 21^st
Horsham casualties of the Great War not commemorated on the town Memorial Wickens, Lc. Corp. P.A.	156, New Street	Royal Sussex Regt.	June 6^th
Wooldridge, H.E.	14, Percy Road	London Regt.	August 6^th

The following list of names has been identified as missing from Horsham’s War Memorial, by Gary Cooper. Fifty-eight of these names have been added to the war memorial in June 2011.

Bailey, Albert Henry Baker, Albert

Beckett, Frank Shaw Berry, Alfred

Bradford, Charles Frederick Bradford, George Ernest

Brooker, Harry Brown, William

Burchell, Ernest Burchell, James

Campbell, Henry George Card, James

Chatfield, James Robert Chew, Joseph John

*Clarke, George *Cresswell, Ernest

Curtis, Edward Dale, Harry

*Davis, Arthur James *Dearling, George Arthur

Denyer, Charlie Green Dodd, Charles Frederick

Duff, William George, MM Duffell, Harry, DCM, MM

Elgar, William Evans, Sydney Herbert

*Flint, George Benjamin Francis, Thomas

Gates, William Henry Golds, Daniel

Greelish, John Joseph Harrison, Alfred

Holland, Sidney Hook, Frederick Charles

Hooker, S Howard, Herbert

*Howlett, Albert Jacobs, Albert

Jackson, James William Knight, George William

*Labouchere, Arthur Maxwell, DSO Laker, Edward George

Lemons, Maurice Reymond *Linfield, Walter

Maskill, Francis Arthur (James) Newland, Richard Henry

Nightingale, Henry J Parsons, James Henry George

Parsons, W Peckham, John

Penfold, Reuben Phillips, Arthur Percy

Price, Joseph William James Pulham, Edwin Bryan

Ratley, Lawrance *Redford, Thomas

Roberts, N Rodocanachi, Paul

Ryman, Ernest Seymour, Arthur

Sharp, John Smart, Thomas

Smith, J S Snelling, Wilfred John

Sopp, Percy Standing, James

Stanton, Frederick Stark, Joseph

Sullivan, Henry Herbert Tarbour, W

Viney, Herbert William Wainscott, Walter Joseph

Wakeford, H T Weston, Harold George

White, A W Wickens, Maurice Edward

Details of the footnotes are available here.